acknowledge it is as a blessing. 8 Memory and Redemption The founder of the Chassidic movement the Baal Shem Tov said: ‘Remembering is the first step to redemption’. 9 We had already been taught by Bachya Ibn Pakuda, author of Duties of the Heart who died
Victor Jeleniewski Seidler
Critical Notes on Agamben’s Political Messianism
Throughout history, Jewish conceptions of justice, hope and redemption have inspired political and cultural visions within as well as beyond the Jewish tradition. Examples from the past century range from Ernst Bloch to Walter Benjamin and Jacques
Judaism and Political Theology
Alana M. Vincent
, differences – what Hannah Arendt terms ‘plurality’– might, eventually, be constructed. 7 In this article, then, I am interested in probing beneath the surface of the concept of redemption, particularly as it has tended to be mobilized in Jewish
Religious Engagements in the Film Ha-Mashgihim (God’s Neighbors)
sociology. 1 Many touch on the philosophical, aesthetic, and cultural relationships interwoven between religion and cinema, as well as moral issues and their linkage to the central themes in theological discourse: grace, sanctity, salvation and redemption
The Diasporic Journey to Beulah
beginning to end, partly because of the politics associated with an idea that often accompanies it: that establishing the State of Israel spells the end of exile and the beginning of redemption. 1 The third version of a Jewish diaspora spreads the net even
Brian Klug and Jayne Svenungsson
In the prophetic literature of the Hebrew Bible, justice, hope and redemption go hand in hand. Hope, which ultimately is for redemption, is intimately connected with the emphasis on doing justice in the here and now. Justice, moreover, would be a
Redemption, Value, and the Politics of Recognition
At a time when individualized narratives have replaced structural explanations like social class to account for inequality, girls who are on the urban fringe are not only made invisible but are under-valued as contributing members to a future, individually oriented society. This article offers a visual disruption in order to re-value the stigmatized, working-class girl by applying the concept of use-value to identify the girls' redemption narratives as an agentic process that is expressed affectively. Drawing from an ethnography of urban, working-class girls who utilize social services, this article reveals how class as culture operated along with other classification systems to inscribe the girls as a problem. Recognizing this, each girl had a redemption tale to tell so as to recover a sense of self; the self-narratives revealed alternative value systems that provided collective and practical value to them.
The Rhetoric of White Supremacy in Post-Civil War Louisiana
Marek D. Steedman
Did white supremacists successfully appeal to a right of resistance in Louisiana in the 1870s? I argue that they did. White supremacists self-consciously defended their own actions within the framework of an Anglo-American discourse of resistance against tyrannical government, and they broadly succeeded in convincing fellow (white) citizens. Can we deny them the cover of legitimacy this tradition affords? We might suggest that a right to resist is rendered void by the fact that white supremacists were resisting constitutional democracy itself. I argue against this strategy (or, more precisely, for a right to resist constitutional democratic government), and suggest that the problem is not what white supremacists were fighting against. The right to resist is bound up with a defense of the just demands of the people, and this claim, as articulated by white supremacists, rests on decidedly shaky ground. Deciding the issue, however, is a matter of political contestation.
Priests, Parishioners, and the Catholic Church in New Spain
the rhetoric of kinship, and priests’ own abilities to profess redemption years after conviction and thereby regain positions of authority over parishioners. The cross-generational nature of abuse is partly evident by the Catholic Church's complicity
In the years following unification, East German cityscapes have been subject to fierce contention because historic preservation and urban renewal have served as a local allegory of national redemption. Using conflicts over preservation and renewal in the city of Eisenach as a case study, I argue that historic cityscapes have served as the focus of many East Germans' efforts to grapple with the problem of Germanness because they address the past as a material cultural legacy to be retrieved and protected, rather than as a past to be worked through. In Eisenach's conflicts, heritage and Heimat serve as talismans of redemption not just because they symbolize an unspoiled German past, but also because they represent structures of difference that evoke a victimized Germanness—they are above all precious, vulnerable possessions threatened with disruption, pollution, or destruction by agents placed outside the moral boundaries of the hometown by its bourgeois custodians.