bureaucratic regime. The simultaneous admiration and frustration that Widad expresses about bureaucracy is not uncommon. As a wealth of scholarly work has argued, bureaucratic practices are affectively charged ( Navaro-Yashin 2007 ): they can be empathetic and
Learning to be a claimant in the United Kingdom
A Response to John Dunn
is simply “regime collapse” ( Abrams and Dunn 2017 ). In short, Dunn’s theory of revolution is very good, but his empirical observation on where and when revolutions actually happen is wrongly limited in time and space. My professional observations
Reining in the Future in the Yemeni Youth Revolution
its flow, to rein the future into the present and actively inhabit ends in the present, that Change Square became a site of resilience, in spite of the fact that substantive change at the level of the regime was not forthcoming. The
From UNCLOS to Sustainable Development Goal 14
Ana K. Spalding and Ricardo de Ycaza
). Aiming to articulate the structural challenges and opportunities for navigating the future of ocean governance in the Anthropocene, here we review and analyze shifts in ocean governance regimes over time. For this review, we conducted a systematic topical
Christopher J. Paskewich
Which of the regimes of the modern world is the best? The political philosopher Leo Strauss provides a useful context for this issue by weighing the three primary regimes he finds available to modernity: traditional regimes, liberal regimes, and the universal state (in the manner of the French philosopher, Alexandre Kojève). He posits a new cycle of regimes for the modern world, just as Plato and Polybius did for the ancient world. Strauss suggests that the post-Enlightenment tendency is toward a universal state, but he asserts that a highly traditional, but liberal, regime is the most desirable for us.
Pınar Melis Yelsalı Parmaksız
Girls might regret only not having been born as male. —Statement in the official newspaper Ulus (Nation), 1939 This article is an inquiry into the gender regime of Turkish modernization, with a focus on the single-party era of the Turkish Republic
Genèse Et Contradictions Des Principes Répressifs Dans L'Empire Français
L’objet du présent article consiste à repenser ce qu’on a appelé le « régime de l’indigénat », parfois improprement qualifié de « code de l’indigénat » ou réduit, dans l’usage courant, à la simple formule « l’indigénat », le tout renvoyant à un ensemble législatif et réglementaire répressif, élaboré dans les colonies françaises à l’encontre des seuls indigènes.
Are collective memories currently changing in the land where the
“past won’t go away?” Long dominated by memory of the Holocaust
and other Nazi-era crimes, Germany recently witnessed the emergence
of another memory based on the same period of history, but
emphasizing German suffering. Most commentators stress the novelty
and catharsis of these discussions of supposedly long-repressed
and unworked-through collective traumas and offer predominantly
psychoanalytic explanations regarding why these memories only
now have surfaced. However, thanks to “presentist” myopia, ideological
blinders, and the theoretical/political effects of Holocaust
memory, much of this discourse is misplaced because these Germancentered
memories are emphatically not new. A reexamination of
the evolution of dominant memories over the postwar period in the
Federal Republic of Germany is necessary in order to understand
and contextualize more fully these current debates and the changes
in dominant memories that may be occurring—tasks this article takes
up by utilizing the memory regime framework.
A Comparative Analysis of Welfare States and Social Unrest
This article examines data from the Cross-National Time-Series Data Archive and the Comparative Welfare Entitlements Dataset on protest events, levels of welfare generosity (the extent to which welfare protection is provided by non-market actors), and welfare state regimes in 18 advanced industrialized countries across the period 1971–2002. Using a direct measure of protest events in terms of frequency of riots, demonstrations, general strikes, political assassinations, and attempted revolutions, the article finds that there is a significant relationship between welfare generosity, welfare state regimes, and protest events. The findings demonstrate that more extensive welfare arrangements—conceptualized through the use of empirical data—not only ameliorate social disadvantages and thus legitimate market economies and capital accumulation, but also bring about stability and social order.
This study argues that the changing relationship between paid work, unpaid work and paid care work and social services, and the struggle over this relationship and its implications, constituted key factors in shaping the ‘state socialist’ gender regime in Hungary from 1949 to the 1980s. The study is based on a wealth of recent scholarship, original sources and Hungarian research conducted during the state socialist period. It tries to give a balanced and inclusive analysis of key elements of women’s and gender history in the state socialist project of ‘catching-up development’ in a semi-peripheral patriarchal society, pointing to constraints, challenges and results of this project. Due to the complex interaction of a variety of actors and factors impacting on and shaping the state socialist gender regime not all women were affected in the same way by state socialist politics and gender struggles. Women’s status and opportunities, as well as gender relations, differed according to class, ethnicity and economic sector. As a rule, the gender struggle over state socialist family and gender arrangements in Hungary sought to reduce or temper tensions and conflicts by avoiding substantial or direct attack against the privileges of men both within the home and elsewhere.