This article examines Locke's slippery notion of consensual taxation. Locke insisted that property right entailed that all taxes be voluntary, requiring the consent of the taxpayer or the consent of a majority of representatives. However, Locke did not think that everyone who paid sales taxes was entitled to vote for the government to which they were subject but claimed that these taxes were passed on to, and borne by, landowners. Taxes on land were voluntary in that they were subject to gentlemanly agreements between landowners, whereas excise taxes fell on all without their consent. Locke did not specify a property qualification for the franchise in his Two Treatise of Government, as he did in other writings, but indicated that political representation should be proportionate to tax burdens. Although Locke's doctrine of taxation and representation is far from clear and unambiguous, the legacy of voluntary taxation continues to haunt us.
The paper uses the concept of intersectionality to examine the experiences of politicians with migrant backgrounds in Germany. The last decade has seen a significant increase in the number of persons with migrant backgrounds integrating into political parties and winning elections to both federal and regional legislatures. Do the migrant experiences of these persons shape their politics? Theories of substantive representation have suggested that gender shapes representation. What about the racial and ethnic identities that often coexist with immigrant status? Moreover, how do those identities and experiences interact with the prerogatives of party, partisanship, and regional representation? This study uses data gathered from both the federal and regional level to explore and explain the role of migrant-related concerns in the political behavior and articulated preferences of politicians with migrant background in Germany. It further explores how these relate to gender, careers, representational roles, and partisan identification. The article concludes that a consideration of the interaction of migrant identity with other factors allows us to see multiple dimensions of representation in Germany today.
This article is a thought experiment. It constructs ideal types of political representation in the sense of Max Weber. Inspired by Quentin Skinner and others, the aim is to give a rhetorical turn to contemporary debates on representation. The core idea is to claim an ‘elective affinity’ (Wahlverwandschaft, as Weber says following Goethe) between forms of representation and rhetorical genres of their justification. The four ideal types of political representation are designated as plebiscitary, diplomatic, advocatory, and parliamentary, corresponding to the epideictic, negotiating, forensic, and deliberative genres of rhetoric as the respective ways to plausibly appeal to the audience. I discuss historical approximations of each type of representation and apply the combination of representation and rhetorical genres to the understanding of the European Union’s unconventional system of ‘separation of powers’. I conclude with supporting parliamentary representation, based on dissensus and debate, with complements from other types.
Daniel T. Levin and Caryn Wang
Levin and Simons (2000) argued that perceptual experience in film and the real world share a deep similarity in that both rely on inferences that visual properties are stable across views. This article argues that the perception and representation of visual space also reveal deep commonalities between film and the real world. The article reviews psychological research on visual space that suggests that we not only attend to similar spatial cues both in film and in nonmediated settings, but also that the rules for combining and selecting among these cues are similar. In exploring these links, it becomes clear that there is a bidirectional relationship between cognitive psychology and film editing that allows each to provide important insights about the other.
Political Representation beyond Representative Democracy
At a time when representative democracies are in deep crisis, this article examines the debate over representation as it appears in contemporary Marxist and poststructuralist political thought. The article discusses, more specifically, Ernesto Laclau’s defense of political representation and pits this against Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s vision of an “absolute democracy” beyond representation, in order to chart a path between and beyond both contrasting positions. The crux of the argument is that in participatory democracies political governance becomes a common affair: a public good accessible to all members of a community on the basis of equality. Such a democratic regime contrasts with both representative democracies, where the assembled demos is excluded from any effective participation in the everyday exercise of major political power, as well as direct democracy, where the collective sovereign would be fully present to itself, total and undivided. Common political representation is open to all, inclusive, participatory, and accountable.
The Case of Participatory Budgeting in Porto Alegre, Brazil
At the same time as democracy has 'triumphed' in most of the world, it leaves many unsatisfied at the disjuncture between the democratic ideal and its practical expression. Participatory practices and institutions, as exemplified in the participatory budgeting process of the local government of Porto Alegre in Brazil, claim to embody a more substantive version of democracy that can settle this deficit. This article interrogates this promise through examining closely the case of Porto Alegre. In addition to demonstrating clear democratic outcomes, this examination also reveals that the meaning of democratic deepening is not cashed out exclusively in terms of participation but in terms of representation too. More specifically, participatory budgeting serves to broaden representation in the budgeting process as a whole, by better including and amplifying the voice of marginalised groups in aspects of the budgeting process, albeit through participatory practices and events. On reflection this should not be surprising as participatory budgeting introduces new decision-making procedures that supplement rather than replace existing representative institutions, and reform rather than transform expenditure patterns. Thus although termed participatory, at the level of the municipal system as a whole, participatory institutions assist in better representing the interests of marginalised groups in decision-making through participatory means. Deepening democracy, therefore, at least as far as new participatory institutions are concerned, is about new forms of representation and participation, rather than replacing representation with participation.
Because Sartre's theatre is one of representation and authenticity, plays like The Victors offer Sartrean philosophical explorations of subjects pushed to the limits of existence by torture and oppressive social edicts. It is in extreme situations that a subject most clearly exercises or fails to exercise his freedom and therefore his authenticity. But Sartre's interest in a complete explication of this process wanes before he fully outlines his project of self formation, which leaves the present paper to prove: (1) the unattainability of any final or permanent authenticity, since each subject represents itself alternately in authentic and inauthentic ways and because the representations of a single subject are constantly in flux; (2) the primacy of representation as the force by which the self is formed and authenticity achieved or avoided; and (3) the criteria for the assessment of authenticity levels and how these processes come to light in plays like The Victors.
*Full article is in French
English abstract: The article aims to define what is meant by "sociopolitical representation" and shows how, in a country like Luxembourg, many cross-border workers have become a mainstay of the labor market alongside resident workers. The text then focuses on institutional opportunities offered to workers to ensure their sociopolitical representation in Luxembourg. The article also tries to show how this form of representation can be achieved in the Chambre des salariés, labor unions, and other institutions of the Greater Region.
Spanish abstract: Este artículo intenta definir el concepto de "representación sociopolítica", y muestra cómo muchos trabajadores transfronterizos que ejercen sus actividades profesionales en un país como Luxemburgo, se han convertido en un pilar del mercado de trabajo junto con los trabajadores residentes. El texto se centra en las oportunidades institucionales que se ofrecen a los trabajadores para garantizar su representación sociopolítica en Luxemburgo. El artículo también trata de mostrar cómo esta forma de representación puede alcanzar espacios en la Chambre des salariés, sindicatos y otras instituciones de la Gran Región.
French abstract: L'article tente de définir ce que l'on entend par « représentation sociopolitique » puis montre comment, dans un pays comme le Luxembourg, les nombreux travailleurs frontaliers qui y exercent leur activité professionnelle sont devenus un véritable pilier du marché du travail aux côtés des travailleurs résidents. Le texte s'intéresse ensuite aux possibilités institutionnelles offertes à ces travailleurs a find'assurer leur représentation sociopolitique au Luxembourg. L'article tente encore de montrer comment cette forme de représentation peut se faire au sein de la Chambre des salariés, des organisations syndicales et des institutions de la Grande Région.
This paper examines the presentation of female characters in dramatic roles, in which they appear as representatives of marginalized Jewish immigrants to Israel (olim hadashim, to use the Hebrew term). The two plays examined here were written as criticisms of Israel's double standards concerning the actual acceptance and assimilation of the 'welcomed and longed-for' immigrants, and have hitherto been examined from this perspective. A reading of these plays from the perspective of feminist critique shows that the representation of the central female characters suffers from a pattern of double stereotypical characterization; these characters are stigmatized and stereotyped both in the category of 'women' and in the category of 'unwelcome immigrants'. Thus, in some cases, counterproductively to the playwright's attempt to criticize Israeli institutions and hegemonic society, these representations reveal the stereotypical tendencies inherent in the playwright's own 'transparent' or 'unconscious' world view when it comes to female representation.
Remembering the Civil War and Francoism in Panels
Juan Carlos Pérez García
The graphic representation of traumatic memory of war disasters constitutes a broad tradition that can be traced back to Francisco Goya. Comics, with the resources provided by their textual-visual narrative, have been part of that tradition especially since the 1950s. However, representing traumatic memory of war disasters is troublesome, in regard to the artists’ strategies and public reception – as shown by the conflicts between memory, history and myth posed in these works. This article develops a comparative study of traumatic memories in Spanish comics and presents an analysis of the modes of representation in works such as Carlos Giménez’s Paracuellos, Francisco Gallardo Sarmiento and Miguel Gallardo’s Un largo silencio, Antonio Altarriba and Kim’s El arte de volar and Paco Roca’s Los surcos del azar.