This article, conceived on an open-process approach, explains the Italian rule of law’s model promoted by Italy in multilateral and bilateral fora. The rule of law aims to counter the abuse of power by the authorities and to build a new legally oriented environment in a multilevel order. (The rule by law, however, may be used to oppress or discriminate against people and to avoid accountability under the guise of formality, legality, and legitimacy.) Furthermore, the rule of law is instrumentally valuable to economic sustainable growth in delivering concrete development. The Italian achievements are demonstrated by the experiences acquired in G20 anti-corruption initiatives that vouch for Italy’s legitimacy and credibility on priority areas related to the struggle against global crime, drugs, money laundering, and terrorism. Moreover, Italian juridical diplomacy for promoting the rule of law at the multilateral level is framed according to the guidelines of sustainable development and the protection of human rights.
Toward a New Legally Oriented Environment at a Global Level
Giovanni Tartaglia Polcini
Kaloyan Haralampiev and Georgi Dimitrov
English abstract: This article proposes a novel two-level instrument for analytically robust distinction of typological differences in the area of rule of law (ROL) among the European countries. The first level of analysis uses the EC’s first anti-corruption report data for a cumulative calculation of the country’s rank of anti-corruption potential. This procedure is repeated on a higher level of aggregation, wherein the EC’s anti-corruption ranking is combined with the rankings of the World Press Freedom and Rule of Law Indices. Thus, the authors create a database for the second level quantitative instrument, which is a variation of cluster analysis. The stable clusters obtained do not coincide with conventional blocks of countries that figure in the academic literature. The instrument for the measurement of the ROL ranking could be even more important for the assessment of the advancement of the candidate-states toward their full compliance with the EU ROL standards.
Spanish abstract: Este artículo propone un instrumento doble nivel para un análisis detallado de las diferencias tipológicas del estado de derecho entre países europeos. El primer nivel utiliza el primer informe anti-corrupción de la CE para calcular de manera cumulativa la clasificación del potencial anti-corrupción de cada país. Este procedimiento se repite en un nivel superior de acumulación donde la clasificación anti-corrupción de la CE se combina con los índices mundiales de la libertad de prensa y el estado de derecho. Así, los autores crean una base de datos para el segundo nivel cuantitativo en una variación para el análisis de conglomerados. Como resultado, los conglomerados estables obtenidos no coinciden con los bloques convencionales de países que figuran en la literatura académica—antiguos/nuevos estados miembros de la UE; democracias consolidadas/sociedades post-comunistas; Este/Oeste, etc. El instrumento para medir la clasificación del estado de derecho podría incluso ser más importante para evaluar el progreso de los países candidatos respecto al cumplimiento total de los estándares del estado de derecho de la UE.
French abstract: Cet article propose un instrument nouveau à double niveau pour établir une distinction analytiquement solide des différences typologiques en matière d’État de droit dans les pays européens. Le premier niveau d’analyse utilise les données du premier rapport anti-corruption de la CE pour calculer de manière cumulative le classement du potentiel anti-corruption de chaque pays. Cette procédure est répétée à un niveau plus élevé d’accumulation dans lequel le classement anti-corruption de la CE est combiné avec ceux des indices du classement mondial de la liberté de la presse et de l’Etat de droit. Ainsi, les auteurs créent une base de données destinée à l’instrument quantitatif de second niveau qui est une variante de l’analyse de clusters. Les clusters stables obtenus ne coïncident pas avec les blocs conventionnels de pays qui figurent dans la littérature académique -anciens et nouveaux États membres de l’UE; démocraties consolidées/sociétés post-communistes; Est/Ouest, etc. Cet instrument de mesure du classement de l’État de droit pourrait être bien plus important pour l’évaluation des avancées des États candidats vers leur totale conformité avec les standards de l´Etat de droit de l’UE.
Conflicts over rural land expropriation, which have intensified over the past decade in China, pose a significant threat to the country's social stability and the sustainability of its economic development. This article argues that such conflicts are inevitable under China's current political and legal system. After a brief introduction of the present situation in China and an overview of China's land regime, the article first analyzes reasons for the escalation of land conflicts, including the vague definition of public interest, the inadequate compensation, and the ambiguous nature of collective land ownership. It then argues that even the few existing rights of rural peasants under the present land regime are not adequately protected due to China's poor law enforcement. The article further elucidates that impunity with regard to illegal land grabbing is common in China for a variety of reasons that all have roots in the Communist Party's monopoly over Chinese society. With no fundamental reform to China's party politics, the article concludes, there will be no effective measure to prevent further conflicts over land in the near future.
The arrival from Russia of the Borrensteins, the Myers and the Maccobys in England in the 1890s and their life in the East End of London. Anti-semitism at the turn of the century, the Aliens Act 1905, and the change of name from Borrenstein to Etherton. Chaim Zundel Maccoby, the Kammenitzer Maggid. Jewish identity, the Race Relations Act 1976, and the judgments of the Supreme Court in the JFS case. The author’s Jewish ethnic, cultural and historical links. The incorporeality of the Almighty. The maintenance of faith in the face of the advance of science and human knowledge. The author’s homosexuality and his Jewish faith. The idea of Britishness, commitment to the rule of law and parliamentary democracy. The relationship between religion and religious beliefs and the rule of law. The development in Britain of the right to individual liberty and personal dignity. The author’s sense of Britishness. His coat of arms and motto – hineini.
The Rule of Law—A Heuristic Perspective?
In the final article of this issue, Giovanni Polcini presents the Italian approach of the “rule of law,” promoted by its governmental institutions in multilateral fora on priority areas related to the struggle against global crime, drugs, money laundering, and terrorism. We must distinguish this from “rule by law.” According to Polcini, the first is dedicated—in order to pave the way for a just and fair society—to counter the abuse of power by authorities and to build new legally oriented societal circumstances. The latter may be used for political reasons to oppress or discriminate against people and avoid accountability under the guise of formality, legality, and legitimacy. It is argued that the rule of law delivers a concrete basis from which to eradicate poverty, to fight discrimination and exclusion, and to protect the environment, also by providing predictability.
A gate to development of African women's land rights?
The global competition for African land is at a historical peak. Local effects of large-scale land acquisitions depend on multiple factors, but women's rights and livelihoods are generally very fragile due to historical and contemporary injustices. Good land governance is important for turning the land acquisitions into equal and equitable development opportunities. The human rights-based approach promotes good governance by adding strength and legal substance to the principles of participation and inclusion, openness and transparency, accountability and the rule of law, and equality and nondiscrimination. By empowering rights-holders and enhancing duty-bearers' capacity, international development cooperation can lead to wider and more gender-balanced inclusion of civil society in negotiations of large-scale land acquisitions and greater adherence of duty-bearers to the rule of law. This is especially important in African countries with large amounts of land and weak legal and institutional frameworks to protect rights, especially those of women.
Ken Stein, Yael Berda, Galia Golan, Pnina Peri, Yuval Benziman, Dalia Gavriely-Nuri, Muzna Awayed-Bishara and Aziza Khazzoom
Itamar Rabinovich, Yitzhak Rabin: Soldier, Leader, Statesman (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017), 304 pp.
Yoav Mehozay, Between the Rule of Law and States of Emergency: The Fluid Jurisprudence of the Israeli Regime (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2017), 205 pp.
Guy Laron, The Six-Day War: The Breaking of the Middle East (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017), 384 pp.
Margalit Shilo, Girls of Liberty: The Struggle for Suffrage in Mandatory Palestine (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2016), 232 pp.
Tamar S. Hess, Self as Nation: Contemporary Hebrew Autobiography (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2016), 228 pp.
Noa Roei, Civic Aesthetics: Militarism, Israeli Art and Visual Culture (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017), 240 pp.
Bryan K. Roby, The Mizrahi Era of Rebellion: Israel’s Forgotten Civil Rights Struggle, 1948–1966 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2015), 264 pp.
The Case of Mektebî Komellayetî
The autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan Region currently prides itself not only in its political autonomy and rapid economic development but also in promotion of the idea of human rights and the rule of law. It can be understood that modernising processes may inevitably lead to atrophy of traditional customs and social organisation of Kurdish society. One can easily discern that many cases of disputes among the inhabitants of the Kurdistan Region are processed according to judiciary principles that contradict the official legal doctrines. The examination and comparison of this mechanism in the previous century and nowadays led the author to the conclusion that the unofficial system of justice actually refers to the old tribal mechanism of solving feuds that has been repeatedly practised by bygone Kurdish generations.
Property rights, crime, and the rules of law
This essay in comparative history considers how governing elites and rural publics have interpreted rules of law and criminal behavior in times of radical tenure transformation. During the twentieth century, Russians experienced three state-sponsored attempts at property rights revolution: firstly, the pre-1917 Stolypin Reforms to privatize the ubiquitous peasant communes, secondly, Stalin’s 1930s campaign to forcibly collectivized peasant communes, and thirdly, the 1990s ‘shock therapy’ reforms to replace Soviet collectivism with wholesale privatization. In each case, adherents of the pre-existing property systems were excluded from the decision-making process that established the new one. Russia’s historical experience is viewed in light of the contested emergence of private property regimes during England’s enclosure movement, and during the nineteenth-century Euro- pean settler appropriation of American Indian land as private property—with African-born plantation workers also later claimed as private property. In some cases, resistance was viewed as criminal; in others, it was punishable as treason.
Evolving Relations with Egypt and Libya
Elisabetta Brighi and Marta Musso
The Mediterranean and the Middle East have long constituted an important “circle” in Italy’s foreign policy, with Egypt and Libya playing a particularly important role. During 2016, two sources of tension emerged in Italy’s relations with these countries. The first reflects a wider European situation. Like the rest of the EU, Italy has followed strategic interests—on migration, energy, and security—that sometimes conflict with the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, which the EU claims to promote in its external relations. The Regeni affair, involving a murdered Italian graduate student, exemplified this tension. The second source results from the role of corporate interests in Italy, especially those of oil and energy companies, in relation to the country’s “national interests.” Italian foreign policy toward both Libya and Egypt seems to have been driven by a combination of somewhat overlapping but also divergent national and corporate interests.