Most research into road safety in Europe has focused chiefly on public action, without closely examining the role of car manufacturers or their coordination with public initiatives. This article explores how manufacturers transitioned from a fragmented conception of road safety in the 1970s—with vehicles being the responsibility of manufacturers, and prevention and roads that of institutions—to an increasingly integrated approach in the twenty-first century. The study uses industry archives to present manufacturer strategies from 1972 onward, which at first exclusively focused on vehicle safety standards. After 1986, the European Year of Road Safety, manufacturers’ official discourse increasingly stressed user education, as opposed to technical improvements to the product. Th is article will use the French case, as well as a more European approach to the automobile lobby in Brussels, to chart the gradual emergence of an integrated approach to safety combining the vehicle, infrastructure, and user behavior.
From a Fragmented to an Integrated Approach in France and Europe (1972–1998)
Pro-activity and Well-Being
Jhan Van de Kerckhove
The current prevention policy continues to be reactive. It is even negative and demotivating. This atmosphere is destroying the working conditions we need in our new social-economic environment. Quality of work has become top of the agenda together with creativity, personal development and involvement. The human being is transformed from a potential source of disturbance into an essential success factor. A new approach to prevention policy is imposing itself in this context. Caring for safety, health and well-being of the employees at the same time means caring for the well-being and the future of the organization. The great challenge now becomes the development of the human potential. In that perspective a real proactive prevention policy is needed. Proactivity implies prevention but goes much further. Real proactivity refers to the dreams and positive objectives people wish to see realised. Well-being, participation and empowerment of all participants are important targets while the expected implications for culture are commitment, trust and open communication. This approach is very close to the conditional factors of social quality as described in the report of the European Foundation on the European Network Indicators of Social Quality.
Arguing over safety on the Firth of Forth
Achim Schlüter and Peter Phillimore
This article examines the centrality of 'safety' in Grangemouth's recent politics. Scotland's main petrochemical center is a town dominated for well over fifty years by a major BP complex. In a context of extensive redundancies at BP, new insecurities surrounding the future of the company's Grangemouth site, and a series of recent accidents, as well as controversy over planning applications from other chemical companies, the town has been pushed into unusually searching questioning about both safety and economic security. This article explores the different lines of reasoning and rationalization on risk, safety, and the future advanced by regulators, BP, and residents and their political representatives. We emphasize how important the familiarity of petrochemical technology has been in public responses to the question of safety, in contrast to many environmental risk controversies. And we argue that safety has provided a focus for social, moral, economic, and political perspectives on the town's present circumstances and future prospects to be played out.
Moving beyond Carceral Logics
, safety is an overarching preoccupation for people like Trisa, who neither uphold the law nor invest in a criminal identity. To understand how they ‘live with insecurity’ ( Penglase 2014 ), it is necessary to attend to extralegality, which opens up
Olga Zdravomyslova and Elena Onegina
-olds (called since 2020 the “pandemic generation”) demonstrate a high level of interest in personal and public safety ( Rean and Shagalov 2018 ). Security is among the top three priorities for this generation of girls (and also boys), alongside the home
Prison gangs, violent acts, and victimization among inmates
Marie Rosenkrantz Lindegaard and Sasha Gear
That gangs have a prominent place in South African prison violence—like in many other geographical contexts—has become increasingly clear. Based on qualitative research among South African inmates and ex-inmates, we propose that prison gangs be considered adaptation strategies to the extremely coercive and oppressive environments of prisons. We focus on the relationship between gang involvement in prison, violent acts among inmates, and the risk of being subjected to violence during incarceration. By providing emic perspectives, we aim to demonstrate how inmates negotiate three types of social roles, largely defined by their ability and willingness to use violence: franse, gangster, and wyfie. Our findings suggest that prison gangs may jeopardize the personal safety of inmates, but can also paradoxically offer some inmates the opportunity to establish a sense of safety and agency by avoiding random violence.
Fatuma Chege, Lucy Maina, Claudia Mitchell, and Margot Rothman
According to the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (article 27) every child has the right to a standard of living adequate for the realization of her or his physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development. Adequate housing, food and clothing underpin the adequacy of a child’s standard of living. UNICEF estimated nearly ten years ago that one out of every three children, or 640 million children around the world, live in inadequate housing (Bellamy: 2005). Despite this commitment to child rights, little appears to be documented on the safety and security of children with regard to housing generally, and, more specifically, housing in slums or informal settlements: urban growth in the Global South is set to be virtually synonymous with the expansion of slums and informal settlements, and, seven years ago, there were 199 million slum dwellers in Africa alone (Tibajuka 2007). It is impossible, then, to address violence against children and the related issues of child protection, without taking into account the importance of adequate housing, and the significance of what goes on inside houses: the inclusion of the voices of children themselves, currently woefully unheard, is critical.
Loader concludes his analysis of the trend in Britain and elsewhere toward private security systems by suggesting that “the value of other more deliberative ways of addressing the crime question and structuring the relationship between the police and the ‘publics’ they serve; ways that seek to subject ‘consumer’ demands for particular kinds of policing and security to the test of public discourse oriented to the common good, and so temper with democratic reason the passions that consumer culture threatens to unleash” (1999: 389). The privatization of public services and the undermining of professionalism have taken hold in many countries on the advice of international monetary agencies. In New Zealand, a provincial reading of new right philosophy within the close-knit circle of the New Zealand Business Roundtable generated a power lobby group that served as a conduit for free market libertarian ideas. This article traces the response to these trends as a measure of the strength of civil society and public life in Auckland City, with a specific focus on the resistance by the New Zealand firefighters to restructuring and downsizing the fire service.
Adaptability and the Employment Relationship
Joint Report Team
Adaptability under the guise of management first addresses – for obvious reasons, it being management – the corporate agency, aiming at the level of biographical processes, while impacting on the level of societal processes through the health of communities as agencies (families, neighbourhoods and communal services, to the extent that they depend on the employment, and employment provisions, of a corporate agency).
Every year, road accidents entail enormous social and human
costs. Particularly alarming is the fact that during the 1990s, Italy
was incapable of improving the situation to the same degree as
other European countries. After a long period of inertia and lack of
interest, however, the Center-Left governments of the most recent
legislature have at last taken action. New policies set in motion
could reverse the trend, enabling Italy to respect the European
Union’s goal of achieving a 40 percent reduction in road mortalities
by the year 2010. Nevertheless, within the political system as a
whole, attention to the matter still appears limited, and there
seems to be no bipartisan consensus on the need to address the
problem. The Center-Right in particular, despite frequently
demanding “strong” state intervention in other matters such as
criminality (which nevertheless causes one-eighth the number of
deaths), appears to be strongly influenced by an individualist and
anti-state culture in this field.