In La Barrière et le Niveau (1925), the French philosopher Edmond Goblot applied a logic of quality to the social world. The major thesis which Goblot defended at that time was: having no titles or property, the bourgeois class constructed itself superficially through value judgements, building upon commonly shared appreciations, however intrinsically contradictory they may be. If we accept this logical reading found in La Barrière et le Niveau, then two different types of paralogism, useful for sociological theory, merit consideration: paralogisms of criteria and paralogisms of judgement. When interpreted in this way, Goblot’s work presents a threefold theoretical interest: it associates logic and sociology in an original way; it illustrates the heuristic relevance of a social ontology approach, and it provides a grid of sociocultural analysis of the social classes which is still relevant today.
Social Class, Dressing Up, and Women's Self-Positioning in Socialist Slovenia
's importance in Yugoslav society. 75 Class identities in Yugoslavia did not disappear, but consumer culture changed the very nature of those identities, since it worked to erode social distinctions and diminish class divisions. 76 Many women acquired
This article is an extension of my book on The Sociology of Elite Distinction. In this work, I sought to offer a discussion on the merits and limits of the major models of interpretation dealing with social distinction when confronted with empirical realities in a large number of environments. Here, I propose some reflections about the way historians have been using these sociological models. Although universalistic propositions were often developed, I argue that most grand theories were typical products of their time and also of the societies respectively taken into consideration. The question therefore arises as to what extent their (retrospective) use by historians seeking a conceptual apparatus is always pertinent. It is concluded that many theoretical models are valuable providing we do not see them as “reading grids” that could be systematically applied but rather as analytical tools which are more or less operational according to the contexts studied.
Neoliberal industrialization and the politics of land and work in rural West Bengal
This article seeks to understand why both anti-land acquisition protests and proindustrial rhetoric of provincial governments in India are fodder for populist politics. To understand this, the article explores the meanings that land and development have for the rural communities in West Bengal, India, who are trying to straddle the multiple worlds of farm ownership and nonfarm employment. Based on five years of ethnographic fieldwork in various parts of rural West Bengal, this article argues that resistances to corporate globalization, taken to be unambiguously anti-industrial or anticapitalist, reflect complex intentions. Protesting villagers are ambivalent toward corporate capital, but their support for industries and protests against corporations are grounded in local moral worlds that see both nonfarm work and landownership as markers of critical social distinction.
Local family historians in the north of England are not only intent on "finding" their ancestors but in adding "flesh" to the bones of genealogy. Many are as interested in the social life of their ancestors as they are in their family tree or pedigree and, through their research, they excavate particular social and classed histories which combine discourses of land, labor, love, and loss. As well as deepening a sense of the workings of class in England, their research renders class identity more contingent than other contemporary public and media-driven versions. This article argues that family history and genealogical research destabilizes readings of English class identities as fixed, bounded and inescapable by revealing the vagaries of fate and chance and by making explicit other relevant and overlapping social distinctions in the provenance of one's ancestors.
expensive things. They tend to live in the country, they’re less fun than bobos. They’re less concerned with social distinction.” (Etienne) “A baba cool is much less attached to the family.” (Agathe) I also asked whether they saw an overlap between the
This special section on print culture, mobility, and the Pacific takes as its backdrop the new associations of sea travel with pleasure, leisure, and social distinction that gained traction from the 1920s, and that gradually diminished its prior
Regulating technologies, authority, and aesthetics in the resettlement of Taipei military villages
manifestation of their family history. On the other hand, aesthetic uniformity conversely arose aspirations of social distinction among the inhabitants ( Bourdieu 1984 ). How to stand out in an environment characterized by standardization? The decoration of the
A Response to Nigel Rapport’s ‘Cosmopolitan Politesse’
precisely about the reasoning that says its victims and perpetrators are always someone. Rublack does not tell us about the governors, theologians or merchants who were accused of witchcraft (but then such social distinctions would fall into Rapport’s field
The Status of Cycling in the Youth Hostels Association of England and Wales in the 1930s
members, for walking over cycling. However, two other important aspects of the ethos of the YHA could act as countervailing tendencies. One was an emphasis on inclusiveness and a dislike of social distinction and snobbery. This was manifested in the