of statelessness and contrast it with nonrecording practices. The section contextualizes Romania’s structural transformation of citizenship rules under its disputable process of “transition.” In the second section, I will tackle the state’s legibility
Nonrecording as a civil boundary
Refugees, Resentment and the Clash of Solidarities
and the Geneva Convention. Statelessness and Refugee Camps Without engaging in pity or a discussion of innocence versus guilt, Arendt wrote first hand about her eighteen years of statelessness, displacement and adjustment to life in the United States
A Timeless Measure of Who We Are?
statelessness ( Gundogdu 2015: 2–5 ), in which the dimension of physical placedness became part of the difficulty in accessing human rights. A Measure of Early Ancient Society Some of the most recognizable episodes from the ancient world in which
Estella Carpi, Sandy F. Chang, Kristy A. Belton, Katja Swider, Naluwembe Binaisa, Magdalena Kubal-Czerwińska, and Jessie Blackbourn
). Citizenship and migration studies, as well as the emerging literature on statelessness, often portray “noncitizenship” as a lack of formal membership in a particular state. In Noncitizenism, Tendayi Bloom challenges the assumption that citizenship is the
Comics and Adaptation
Armelle Blin-Rolland, Guillaume Lecomte, and Marc Ripley
transnational circulation of visual, narrative and generic motifs; heteronormalisation and phallogocentrism; authenticity of drawn events; identity in a stateless minoritised culture; ‘high’ and popular culture; reverence in comics adaptations of the literary
The Ker-Is Legend in Bande Dessinée
the representation through comic adaptation of Brittany as a bilingual stateless culture. Both Auclair and Deschamps posit, in the album version’s acknowledgements, their own relation to minoritised cultures and languages through family links (Brittany
Expatriates, Stateless Peoples and the Politics of Citizenship
In this article I examine why Kuwait and other migrant-receiving countries in the Persian Gulf have failed to enfranchise migrant workers and their descendants through citizenship. I contend that the increasing exclusion of expatriate workers from these societies can be understood in comparison with the disenfranchisement of the stateless populations to which these governments are host. I argue that nationalist narratives that portray these groups as threatening to the host societies have been extremely significant in creating an atmosphere of increasing isolation and exclusion for both expatriates and stateless peoples. I conclude by examining what the Kuwaiti case tells us about how notions of membership and belonging develop and the significant role of historic and political circumstances in shaping these notions.
Regulating Migrant Women's Sexualities in the Persian Gulf
This article looks at the confluence of love, labour and the law by focusing on the regulation of migrant women's sexualities in the Gulf Coast Cooperation countries of the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait. Migrant women increasingly comprise the majority of migrants to the region as the demand for intimate labour in the Persian Gulf is on the rise. But migrant women who become pregnant while in the Persian Gulf are immediately imprisoned and charged with the crime of zina. These women give birth while incarcerated and spend up to a year with their babies in prison. They are then forcibly separated from their children when they are deported, rendering the children stateless in the host country. Migrant women who are often brought to the Persian Gulf to perform (re)productive labour are seen as immoral if they engage in sexual activities during their time in the Persian Gulf (and this is written into their contracts), and thus are seen as unfit to parent their own children. Some migrant women have recently been protesting these laws by refusing and fighting deportation without their children. This article contrasts discourses about migrant women's sexuality and legal analysis with the lived experiences of selected migrant women and their children through ethnographic research conducted in Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Kuwait City between 2008 and 2014.
Class and Social Consciousness in the Advanced Capitalist Countries
This paper examines the relationship between the globalization of capital, changes in class structure, and the development of new forms of social consciousness. ‘Globalization’ is not a new historical phenomenon, as many scholars have pointed out. There have been repeated episodes of global expansion in the history of capitalism, followed by periods of contraction or near collapse, and as Friedman and numerous others have properly insisted, episodes of expansion and contraction have been characteristic of the relations among societies and cultures long before the appearance of capitalism (Friedman 2001; 1994). The last major episode of global expansion in the history of capitalism took place at the end of the nineteenth century, from 1880 to 1914. It is often pointed out that roughly the same levels of capital export and trade were reached in that period as in the present resurgence of transnational expansion. It is important, however, not to overlook an important difference between the two episodes, which is that in the previous period of globalization, the nation-state was still the fundamental economic unit, whereas in the present phase, capital, in the form of transnational corporations and financial markets, has escaped the limits of state fiscal and political controls, and now increasingly operates in an effectively stateless environment. The difference is reflected in the contrasting forms assumed by imperialism as the political framework of nineteenth century globalization and the present system of putatively independent nation-states.
Human (in)security on an Amazonian frontier
Marc Brightman and Vanessa Grotti
English abstract: Focusing on the region surrounding the Maroni River, which forms the border between Suriname and French Guiana, we examine how relations between different state and non-state social groups are articulated in terms of security. The region is characterised by multiple “borders” and frontiers of various kinds, the state boundary having the features of an interface or contact zone. Several key collectivities meet in this border zone: native Amazonians, tribal Maroon peoples, migrant Brazilian gold prospectors, and metropolitan French state functionaries. We explore the relationships between these different sets of actors and describe how their mutual encounters center on discourses of human and state security, thus challenging the commonly held view of the region as a stateless zone and showing that the “human security” of citizens from the perspective of the state may compete with locally salient ideas or ex- periences of well-being.
Spanish abstract: El artículo examina cómo se articulan las relaciones en términos de seguridad entre grupos estatales y no estatales en la región que rodea el Río Maroni (frontera entre la Guyana francesa y Surinam). La región se caracteriza por múltiples “límites” y tipos de fronteras, teniendo así la frontera Estatal características de una zona de contacto o de una interfaz. Importantes comunidades se encuentran en esta zona de frontera: Nativos del Amazonas, comunidades tribales del Maroni, buscadores de oro brasileños y funcionarios estatales franceses. Los autores exploran las relaciones entre estas diferentes redes de actores, y describen la manera en que sus mutuos encuentros se centran en discursos de seguridad humana y del Estado, desafiando así, el tradicional enfoque que sostiene la región como una zona sin Estado y mostrando que la “seguridad humana” desde la perspectiva del Estado puede competir con importantes ideas locales o con experiencias de bienestar.
French abstract: En se concentrant sur la région entourant le fleuve Maroni, qui forme la frontière entre le Suriname et la Guyane française, nous examinons comment les relations entre les différents groupes sociaux étatiques et non-étatiques sont articulées en termes de sécurité. La région est caractérisée par de multiples «frontières» et les frontières de toutes sortes, la frontière de l'État ayant les caractéristiques d'une interface ou zone de contact. De nombreuses et importantes collectivités se rencontrent dans cette zone frontalière: Indigènes d'Amazonie, la communauté tribale Maroon, les migrants brésiliens à la recherche de l'or et les fonctionnaires d'Etat de la France métropolitaine. Nous explorons les relations entre ces différents groupes d'acteurs, et décrivons la manière dont leurs rencontres mutuelles sont centrées sur les discours relatifs à la sécurité humaine et l'État, remettant ainsi en cause l'idée communément admise de la région en tant zone apatride et montrant par la même que la «sécurité humaine» des citoyens perçue du point de vue de l'État peut rivaliser avec des idées saillantes au niveau local ou des expériences relatives au bien-être.