, comprising a simple handwritten note with no details about the author beyond a surname: that morning, a poster appeared in the factory grounds calling for a strike, and 200 workers (sixty of whom were men) “abandoned their work” in response. Despite these
Public Disorder and Problematic Policing in Occupied Roubaix during World War I
James E. Connolly
Some Observations on Motives, Strategies, and Their Consequences on the Reconfigurations of State and Media
Audrey Laurin-Lamothe and Michel Ratte
The first part of this article reports the main events of the 2012 student protest in Quebec leading to the government’s adoption of Bill 12. It highlights the major ideological conflict generated through the liberal managerial mutation of the academic institutions as a key to understand more clearly the student’s claims. Rapidly, the standard strike was transformed into a massive mobilization that produced many protests and other forms of resistance. The response given by the government to these unprecedented acts of resistance was Bill 12, to be understood as a symbolic coup d’état with voluntarily disruptive media effects whose aim was to make people forget the massive rejection of a pseudo tentative agreement in relation to Higher Education reform. The bill was also supported through the abusive and twisted use by the government of a series of buzzwords, like “bullying” and “access to education”, which were relayed by the media. The authors also discuss the issues surrounding the traditional conceptions regarding the analysis of discourses, mobilizing Orwell’s concept of doublethink and the notion of selfdeception inherited form Sartre.
A Socio-political Alliance with the Right
Avi Bareli and Uri Cohen
of February 1956 saw the outbreak of a comprehensive strike among white-collar workers in Israel’s public sector. The strike was a significant juncture in the gradual polarization between middle-class professionals and the Mapai government and
Md Saidul Islam and Si Hui Lim
Home to 60 percent of the world's population, Asia accounts for 85 percent of those killed and affected globally by disaster events in 2011. Using an integrated sociological framework comprised of the pressure and release (PAR) model and the double-risk society hypothesis, and drawing on data obtained from the Emergency Events Database (EM-DAT), PreventionWeb, and the IPCC special report on extreme events, this article offers a sociological understanding of disaster development and recovery in Asia. The particular focus is on seven Asian countries, namely, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Thailand, Taiwan, and Vietnam. Rather than treating disasters entirely as “natural” events caused by “violent forces of nature”, we emphasize various ways in which social systems create disaster vulnerability. We argue that existing disaster mitigation and adaptation strategies in Asia that focus almost entirely on the natural and technological aspects of hazards have serious limitations, as they ignore the root causes of disaster vulnerabilities, such as limited access to power and resources. This article therefore recommends a holistic approach to disaster management and mitigation that takes into consideration the various larger social, political, and economic conditions and contexts.
-line militant. Yet his influence on a cohort of activists, particularly those who helped build democratic, non-racial trade unions in the wake of the 1973 Durban strikes, was unmistakable. 1 Despite the fact that Rick Turner spent a scant seven years as a
The Repressive Policing of Contention in Queensland under Frederic Urquhart
1889, Urquhart quickly rose through the ranks to become the state’s chief inspector in 1905; in this position, he drew on his frontier experience to combat the threat of trade unionism during the volatile general strike in 1912. Appointed to the
A Comparative Analysis of Welfare States and Social Unrest
, the social movement, the demonstration, the general strike, and the contested election. Thus contentious politics and collective claim-making can result in interpersonal and collective violence. The literature on the determinants of protest is
Southern Wine Producers Respond to Competition from the Algerian Wine Industry in the Early Third Republic
fortified elixirs to their own to raise their alcohol content without significantly altering the taste or appearance. 57 However, in the aftermath of a severe wine crisis and strikes, Audois wine producers had little enthusiasm for any manipulation that
On 30 October 2008, there was a general strike of school staff in protest
against Law No. 133 (the three-year budgetary law), which was passed
on 6 August 2008, and legislative Decree No. 137 (the so-called Gelmini
decree) of 1 September 2008, which was due to become law on the eve
of the strike. The former measure called for a major reduction in school
personnel, while the latter embodied the education policy of the new
center-right government and the new minister of education, Mariastella
Gelmini. Central elements of the legislation included the introduction
of the so-called single teacher and the restoration of marks awarded for
behavior. The strike was almost unanimous in that it was called by all
the major trade union organizations—a rare occurrence (although the
trade union COBAS had gone on strike alone on 17 October).
The future of democracy under globalization is the most burning political debate in France today.1 It lies at the heart of the quarrels between souverainistes and federalists; it is the focus of the assault on neoliberalism and on the media led by Pierre Bourdieu and of the attack on globalization mounted in the pages of Le Monde diplomatique.2 In parallel with these intellectual battles of the past decade, there has been a rising tide of social mobilization and protest over globalization in France. The highwater marks start with the vast strike wave of December 1995, described by a Le Monde journalist as the first strikes in an advanced industrial nation against globalization.