My aim in this article is to contribute to the existing literature on the plot twist in screen fictions. The plot twist is a narrative device designed to turn the reception of a narration into an experience dominated by surprise, influencing how
Héctor J. Pérez
Trump, Le Pen, and the New Normal
Donald Trump’s election provoked a kind of surprise among informed observers that an upset second-round win by Marine Le Pen, however shocking on moral grounds, might not create. We live in surprising, disorienting times. The unanticipated political
Who Were These Men and Why Did They Not Crush Mass Protest in 1989?
Uwe Krähnke, Anja Zschirpe, Philipp Reimann, and Scott Stock Gissendanner
thoroughly habituated to its bureaucratic routine that it was caught utterly by surprise with no contingency plan to annihilate massive opposition. Research Design Rather than aspiring to present representative data for all Stasi district-level personnel
A Comparative Case Study of the Mass Mobilization Process in France and South Korea
This article explores why people adopt different processes to participate in mass mobilizations, using the 2006 Anti-CPE (labor law) Movement in France and the 2008 Candlelight Movement against American Beef Imports in South Korea as case studies. In France, initiators and participants followed the ‘ready-made’ way: left-wing organizations led the whole process of mass mobilizations. In contrast, in South Korea, initiators came from ‘nowhere’: they were middle and high school students without any political organizations; participants were ‘tainted’ by the left-wing political line. The key finding of this study is that the levels of demarcation of political lines in people’s everyday life may explain this difference. In France, strong establishment of a political line in people’s everyday life brought fewer new actors, creating less surprise but a solid mobilization; in South Koreas, the less-established political line in people’s everyday life attracted more new actors, creating more surprise but ‘frivolous’ mobilizations.
La guerre américaine en Iraq était annoncée, et on a eu le temps d’en parler et de lui trouver une causalité ou une finalité, ou au contraire une illégalité ou une immoralité. L’attentat du 11 septembre 2001 survint sans que l’on s’y attende, et c’est après l’événement subit qu’il fallut le penser, dans « l’inappropriablité, l’imprévisibilité, la surprise absolue, l’incompréhension, le risque de méprise, la nouveauté inanticipable, la singularité pure, l’absence d’horizon », comme le dit Derrida.
Vous admettrez aisément que je n’ai pas manqué d’éprouver, au cours de ces deux journées, un sentiment mêlé de surprise et d’étrangeté. Étant loin d’estimer mon travail digne d’une telle attention, je suis très touché du regard porté sur lui par l’ensemble des participants à cette réunion. Cela dit, Priscilla Ferguson nous a proposé une explication de l’intérêt paradoxal suscité par mes travaux: la Frenchness de mes French Stories ferait que mes livres plaisent aux lecteurs anglo-saxons, ou les agacent.
As the North American team of Sartre Studies International was preparing the following symposium on Hope Now: The 1980 Interviews, our British colleagues surprised us by publishing Shlomit Schuster’s “Revisiting Hope Now with Benny Lévy: A Note on the 1996 English Edition of Hope Now” in Sartre Studies International 4:1. Based on a 1996 interview with Lévy, the article functions in some sense as Lévy’s own review of “Sartre’s Last Words?” – my introduction to the English version of Hope Now.
Although governing coalitions in Germany often win reelection,
many observers were surprised by the victory of the red-green coalition
in 2002. Earlier that year, the polls had shown strong support
for a potential coalition of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU)
and the Christian Social Union (CSU), together with the Free Democratic
Party (FDP). In the summer of 2002, however, the SPD and
the Greens began to gain ground; and finally, the red-green coalition
won the majority of seats in the election to the German parliament,
the Bundestag, on 22 September 2002.
Reflections of a
Marilyn J. Boxer
Today, to a historian of the relationship of European socialism to feminism, Mihaela Miroiu’s assertion that, despite the existence of ‘islands of feminism’ in communist regimes, there was no ‘communist feminism’ comes as no surprise. But in the heyday of the 1970s women’s liberation movement, very many feminists would have argued otherwise! Although the term ‘communist feminism’ itself was (and is) rarely heard, ‘socialist feminism’ exercised a powerful, formative influence in ‘the West’, as evidenced by the widespread admiration of testimony drawn from Mao’s China, Castro’s Cuba, and the USSR of Lenin and his successors.
What Do We Learn and What Do We Teach about Ourselves and about Others?
I do not think that I had the best introduction to interfaith dialogue. I studied Christianity at school and at university. I was overprotected at the first and overexposed at the second. At school, our wonderful Catholic teacher avoided the so called ‘difficult’ chapters in the Gospels so as to protect her five students (three of whom were Jewish) – or maybe herself. On the other hand, my university lecturers taught the ‘Old Testament’ with assertions such as ‘Judaism is morally invalid’. These experiences strengthened in me a destructive understanding of the religious world as consisting of only Christians (the Faculty was then a Protestant-only zone) and Jews (as Christ-killers). You will not be surprised to know that after receiving my Divinity degree, I did not go anywhere near Christian studies for another thirteen years!