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Michael B. Loughlin

Abstract

In 1901 Gustave Hervé’s image of the tricolore planted in a dung pile made him notorious. His career became etched into French consciousness when he subsequently shifted from antimilitarism to chauvinism and, between 1914 and 1918, promoted “war to the bitter end” to create a democratic, federated Europe. Because depopulation, alcoholism, and materialism were perceived as threats before 1914, his national socialism shared values with his idealistic prewar socialism. Though Hervé remained a religious skeptic until 1935, the image of an expiatory war was telling. He assailed anyone refusing to support deliverance from Prussian militarism. Hervé’s wartime rhetoric soon included references to a new Bonaparte, a resurrected Committee of Public Safety, or a military dictatorship to save la patrie en danger, presaging his later authoritarian or dictatorial programs. Though he stressed legality and deplored both violence and anti-Semitism, much in Hervé’s interwar positions could be described as republican fascism

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Flirting with anarchism

Class, state, and anthropology

Frederick Schulze

Graeber, David. 2004. Fragments of an anarchist anthropology. Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press. 105 pages.

Schmidt, Michael, and Lucien van der Walt. 2009. Black flame: The revolutionary class politics of anarchism and syndicalism. Vol. 1, Counter-Power. London: AK Press. 395 pages.

Scott, James. 2012. Two cheers for anarchism: Six easy pieces on autonomy, dignity, and meaningful work and play. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 198 pages.

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Les Assurances Sociales

une contribution à la modernisation de la société française dans l'entre-deux-guerres?

Bruno Valat

The 1930 law creating social insurance was the Third Republic's great achievement in the social arena. However, the historiography of contemporary France contains barely a trace of this achievement. Victim of the regime's discredit as well as of the lack of any reformist political efforts in its favor, social insurance of the 1930s has also suffered by comparison to later achievements, particularly the creation of Social Security in 1945. However, if we study social insurance in its own historical context—and not in reference to the postwar period—, it can constitute an original source for the study of the modernization of French society. This article proposes three approaches: social insurance constitutes a vector for the acculturation of the working class to retirement and to the medicalization of health, contributing to the history of working class uses and representations of consumption and social rights. On a more institutional level, the experience of social insurance reveals the first legal experiments with co-gestion involving employers, workers, and insurance organizations. Finally, a prosopographical study of the militant trajectories linked to social insurance could contribute to the history of the working-class movement between 1930 and the end of the Thirty Glorious Years: is there a "social insurance generation" within French syndicalism?

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Matthew Eshleman

socialism, it stands closer still to anarcho-syndicalism. 9 Worse, Irwin’s failure to conduct any serious research into the development of Sartre’s political attitudes, which include an early and abiding interest in equality, a lifelong disdain for

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Staging Democracy

The Aganaktismenoi of Greece and the Squares Movement(s)

George Sotiropoulos

working conditions and labor rights, has been not only a stronghold of syndicalism but also a site of fierce struggles against governmental attempts at restructuration ( XTC 2010 ). The current crisis has both accelerated and short-circuited these

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Women's Liberation

Swedish Feminist Comics and Cartoons from the 1970s and 1980s

Anna Nordenstam and Margareta Wallin Wictorin

colour of socialism and, together with black, of syndicalism. Colour was otherwise very rare in the journal. Comics about women working in low-paid service jobs such as waitresses, cleaners or cashiers are quite frequent in the Fnitter anthologies. The