This article surveys the population dynamics of twenty-six indigenous small-numbered peoples of the Russian North, using the data from eight General Censuses of Russia (1897-2002), and the Polar Census of 1926/27. The article demonstrates that each of these peoples responded to central state policies in diverse ways, and that often different populations of the same group showed differing trends in different regions. During the Soviet period there was strong assimilative pressure on the indigenous small-numbered peoples. The opposite tendency is evident in the post-Soviet period—a process referred to in this article as "ethnic re-identification."Because there was little inter-regional migration of the indigenous peoples, we conclude that the population dynamics of each nationality in each region is the result of the interplay among fertility, mortality, assimilation, and ethnic re-identification.
Konstantin B. Klokov and Sergey A. Khrushchev
Hindutva and Gujarati neoliberalism as prelude to all-India premiership?
This article proposes a non conventional analysis of the most significant phenomenon that has marked Indian political life in the past decade. The electoral competition for the 2014 general election is played around two main elements, namely, the selection of convincing prime ministerial candidates and the definition of electoral coalitions. In this perspective, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the main party of the right-wing coalition (National Democratic Alliance, NDA), has taken a decisive step by selecting Narendra Modi as its front man for the electoral campaign, and thus the “natural” candidate for the post of prime minister in case of success. A highly controversial figure, Modi polarized the public debate for over a decade: he is either considered a fascist politician or he is praised for the high economic growth rates achieved by the state under his government. This article proposes to move beyond such a dichotomy to highlight Modi's complexity and success in promoting a political culture that merged religious traditionalism and neoliberal economic arguments. Whether his coalition will win the election or not, and whether he will become the next prime minister or not, is greatly significant to the future of India and to the possibility of the many contradictions and diversities that underpin the Indian democracy being conciliated.
In this issue of Critical Survey we present a selection of essays which demonstrate a range of critical approaches to a variety of material within Anglo-Irish writing. The recalcitrant traditionalism that previously marked this arena has long gone, replaced now by a broadly analytical approach. Likewise, the traditionally established and highly selective, mostly male canon of Anglo-Irish writing has been replaced by a more inclusive arena and these articles represent the diversity of scholarship and research across this expanded area. One of the most significant changes within Anglo-Irish criticism in the last decade has been in the volume of attention given to women writers. Several essays here focus on women’s writing, recognising Irish women writers’ legitimate inclusion across a range of genres. Kathy Cremin examines the disparity between Irish women’s increased opportunities in terms of determining their own lives and the elisions and ambivalences regarding these at the heart of Patricia Scanlan’s best-selling fiction. Helen Kidd explores the particular poetic strategies of three of Ireland’s leading women poets, Naula Ní Dhomhnaill, Eileán Ní Chuilleanain and Eavan Boland. Mary King couples the plays of J. M. Synge and one of Ireland’s leading contemporary playwrights, Marina Carr, in a timely exploration of the treatment of ‘the other’ in Irish drama.
ceremony that circulate among Ob’-Ugrian communities, revealing how the specific practices they have documented show historical connections between groups, and new innovations that exist in tension with traditionalism. While Eastern Khanty bear ceremonies
Conceptual Translation and the Politics of Historicity
synthesis. It would be a moment within the ongoing dialectical movement of history as politics. Crisis, the Real, and Conflicting Modes of Historicizing: Traditionalism and Historicism Laroui's concern with critically engaging the translation of
Producing East European Geosexual Backwardness in the Drop-In Centre for Male Sex Workers in Berlin
models of gender and sexuality characterised the sexual and gender regime of former socialist countries ( Berry 1995 ; Funk 1993 ; Gal and Kligman 2000 ; Johnson and Robinson 2007 ; Keinz 2008 ). This ‘neo-traditionalism’ ( Johnson and Robinson 2007
intellectually a descendant of the former. Robert Nisbet (1952) , for example, has insisted on the influence of traditionalism on Durkheim, though I have challenged this idea (Stedman Jones 2001: 24ff). What united ‘the right ideologically in France’, according
even, in the case of Woolf, gender itself. Many others, however, quite comfortably married their radical views to gender traditionalism. As Bucur reminds us, Sigmund Freud's ideas about the formation of the personality were based on a normative
of traditionalism that relied on respect for the religious heritage with openness to the modern secular world. Kahanoff wrote that for her, as a Jewish girl in the cosmopolitan Cairo of the 1930s, “my religion was my father” (27). From him she
summarizes Simić’s chapter, for instance, by saying that “[traditionalism with regard to gender roles and models continue to thrive in Bosnia where women’s lives are not very different from what they were prior to the war beginning in 1992,” except for