Directly Observed Treatment – Short-course (DOTS) has been promoted by the WHO globally as the preferred standard approach to tuberculosis control and treatment since the mid 1990s. In India, DOTS has been gradually implemented as a national programme since 1997, covering the entire country by 2006. DOTS is a highly complex healthcare intervention that involves universal monitoring of all patients, access to high quality drugs and the adoption of an individually supervised drug intake by patients through a system of DOT-providers. This article discusses the gradual implementation of DOTS in India as an intervention based on politically agreed 'truths' that create 'successful treatment stories' and 'defaulters', and it explores dimensions of temporality linked to the understanding of 'event' at different ontological scales from the perspectives of 'defaulters' and the health care system respectively.
In nineteenth-century Britain, pulmonary tuberculosis – known as phthisis, decline or consumption – killed more people than any other disease. Furthermore, the social and ideological impact of consumption extended far beyond mere mortality. The common belief in an identifiable, hereditary ‘consumptive type’ of person, combined with the often chronic nature of tuberculosis, caused the disease to be regarded as a permanent, identity-conferring condition. Popular belief in the hereditary ‘consumptive type’ long predated the publication of Darwin’s theories of human evolution in 1871 and survived long after 1882, when the disease was proven to be contagious rather than hereditary, indicating that consumption carried a complex cultural significance independent of its scientific status.
Tuberculosis, the Limits of Bio-citizenship and the Future of Care in Romania
Mircea stares off The Pines Tuberculosis Sanatorium balcony. He tells me that in the valley below he once had a family and worked as a miner and then at a collective farm. Now he is alone and unwanted. His blue eyes well up with tears and he tells me, ‘we are the losers of socialism, there is no hope for us’. He continues: ‘We are losers in society, and when you see yourself, the way you are now, and you know what you used to be, when you mattered, and worked … it’s hard for you. This is why we say we are embarrassed, because you don’t matter anymore, to anybody.’ 55-year-old Mircea spent the last four years of his life here, abandoned by his family, dying of XDR-TB.1 When I asked his doctor when he would go home, she replied, ‘Home? To what? ... He is a social case,2 I cannot discharge him.’
Responding to a Response by Agafonow
Garrett W. Brown
In the preceding article Alejandro Agafonow explores the idea of incorporating market-based approaches into the structure of The Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria in order to address particular deliberative and democratic shortcomings (Agafonow 2011). This exploration was in response to an article I wrote on safeguarding deliberative global governance within the Global Fund and with particular deliberative deficits that were highlighted within that article (Brown 2010). In my article, it was argued that the decision- making capacity of the Global Fund suffered from a deliberative deficit in that donor members enjoyed an unfair advantage in boardroom deliberations due to two structural inequalities. First, donors enjoyed an unfair deliberative advantage because of their ability to utilise an effective veto, which manifested itself in the form of possible threats in the reduction of future donations if specific initiatives passed. Second, donors often enjoyed an unfair negotiating position due to their ability to meet prior to Board meetings and thus possessed an ability to create donor caucuses where collective voting strategies could be formulated. It was concluded that these two conditions created real perceptions of unequal deliberation between donor and non-donor Board members and therefore threatened to render the Global Fund’s multisectoral mandate for creating deliberative decision-making via agreed consensus as mere window-dressing for an obfuscated form of multilateral power politics as usual. In responding to this deliberative deficit, I argued that certain regulative devices should be incorporated into the Global Fund Framework Document as a means to safeguard deliberative procedures constitutionally within the multisectoral Global Fund Board.
COVID-19 and Urban Métis Girls and Young Women
Carly Jones, Renée Monchalin, Cheryllee Bourgeois, and Janet Smylie
, measles, tuberculosis, and Spanish flu, and infectious ones like dysentery as James Daschuk (2019) reminds us. While many foreign European settlers had immunity to diseases endemic to Europe, Métis and First Nations communities suffered high mortality
Framing Sex Differences in Childhood Infectious Disease Mortality
Heather T. Battles
, the only infectious disease of childhood that was consistently referred to as causing higher mortality in girls was pertussis (whooping cough), though tuberculosis was also frequently mentioned as being higher among adolescent girls and young women. 1
“The Decline of Family Life”
their underwear looked. Later, the informant found out that the head caregiver was sick with tuberculosis and he wanted to take the boy home and leave him in the care of his grandmother, but it wasn’t necessary, because the boy came down with whooping
Embodying and resisting dependency among women living with HIV in Papua New Guinea
Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and PEPFAR have also stepped in to fund specific projects or program components. So dependent is the country on external entities for its HIV/AIDS programming that for many years it was actually an oil company
Policy, temporality, and public health in South Africa
country with the world's largest HIV/AIDS epidemic and a growing drug-resistant tuberculosis epidemic would be able to address the complications arising from these illnesses at the primary care level. Nevertheless, Health Care 2010 was approved and the
Victoria Churikova, Alexey Druzyaka, and Alina Galimova
—its annual range varies from 20 percent to 30 percent for different groups of the Novosibirsk population. Melnikov shows that the most common chronic diseases, such as cardiovascular disease, tuberculosis, pneumonia, and lung and stomach cancer are all causes