carrying out their job. 36 Indeed, Motte employees refused to work, as they feared insults and attacks. 37 Unrest continued the following month: on 9 June, a woman was punished for encouraging a female worker to stop working, 38 and by 19 June, a diarist
Public Disorder and Problematic Policing in Occupied Roubaix during World War I
James E. Connolly
(And Why Wile E. Coyote Never Catches Roadrunner)
Over the last five years or so, we have witnessed increasing forms of violence and unrest across the world. In the media, these depictions are presented as actions of resistance to oppressive regimes and corrupt politics, yet are, at the same time, deliberately detached from a global politik which is collapsing in numerous ways: the manifestations evident in market instability, and increasing austerity, unemployment and social inequality; a sign perhaps that the orgy of globalisation is reaching its climax. Some of all this was reflected in what we saw across English cities during the summer of 2011 and in this article, I discuss these riots and why they might have happened and the State response. Perhaps more importantly, I show how they should be reconsidered alongside other forms of violence and dissatisfaction against oppressive regimes and corrupt politics as a collective response to a global system on the brink of collapse as a result of its never-ending pursuit of rampant profit at the expense of millions of people. I relate this fruitless quest of profit to Wile E. Coyote’s incessant pursuit of Roadrunner.
Creative Practices/Resistant Acts
Nesreen Hussein and Iain MacKenzie
acts of resistance in times of political unrest. The contributors presented artistic, political, historical, and analytical perspectives from Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Greece, and Germany. In different ways, the contributions emphasized the power of art
An Examination of European Protest Activity, 2008–2012
Many scholars have cited the social unrest stemming from the European sovereign debt crisis as a prime example of a protest wave ( della Porta and Mattoni 2014 ; Flesher Fominaya 2015 ; Gerbaudo 2013 ). Protest is an accepted form of political
Algeria and the French Revolution of 1848
Jennifer E. Sessions
This article examines the key role of the French colony in Algeria in the political culture of the Revolution of 1848. Eugène Cavaignac and other army officers with Algerian experience led the state's repression of radical unrest, and their colonial backgrounds became a central narrative trope in debates about political violence in France, especially after the June Days uprising. Following the closure of the National Workshops, legislators adopted a major scheme for working-class emigration to and settlement in Algeria to replace the workshops and resolve unrest. Throughout 1848, Algeria operated as a symbolic and practical field for the struggle between social and political revolution in France.
Michael M. Bell
Friedman, Thomas L. 2008. Hot, Flat, and Crowded: Why We Need a Green Revolution and How It Can Renew America. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.
Hawken, Paul. 2007. Blessed Unrest: How the Largest Social Movement in History Is Restoring Grace, Justice, and Beauty to the World. New York: Penguin.
Publications and Films
Erika Friedl and Soheila Shahshahani
Hegland, Mary Elaine (2014), Days of Revolution: Political Unrest in an Iranian Village (Stanford: Stanford University Press), 316 pp., two maps, nine photographs; glossary, notes, bibliography, index, ISBN: 978-0-8047-7570 (cloth) U.S. $95.00; ISBN: 978-0-8047-7568-7 (pbk.) U.S.$27.95.
Hush, Girls Don’t Scream by Pouran Derakhshandeh (2013)
Robert C. Holub
The Cambridge Companion to Nietzsche edited by Bernd Magnus and Kathleen M. Higgins
The Ghosts of Berlin: Confronting German History in the Urban Landscape by Brian Ladd
A German Women’s Movement: Class and Gender in Hanover, 1880-1933 by Nancy R. Reagin
Nazism and the Working Class in Austria: Industrial Unrest and Political Dissent in the “National Community” by Timothy Kirk
Mitteleuropa and German Politics 1848 to the Present by Jörg Brechtefeld
Society, Culture, and the State in Germany 1870–1930 edited by Geoff Eley
Slovak neoliberalism as “authoritarian populism”
Focusing on the implementation of the New Social Policy in January 2004 and the social unrest that followed, this article traces the discursive construction of welfare dependence as a “Romani” problem through the creation of a media-led “moral panic”. Situating this “moral panic” within the wider context of competing populist narratives in postsocialist Slovakia, it argues that the ethnicization of the unrest constituted a rearticulation of nationalist populist symbols into liberal political logic. Employed by the opposition, the first of these narratives posited liberalization as the dispossession of the working majority by corrupt elites. This was countered by a second narrative presented by the center-right coalition that posited welfare as a system of “just rewards” for those willing to work, while constructing the Romani minority as social deviants. As such, it appeared to be a variant of what Stuart Hall has called “authoritarian populism”: an attempt by the leading coalition to harness popular discontents in order to justify exceptional levels of government intervention into social life.
The Iconography of the
Lara Campos Pérez
This article takes a close look at the iconographic construction of the so-called “otherness” in Spain between 1936 and 1945. During this three year period of civil unrest, the Franco regime set out to cast the defeated half of the war as an inimical “other.” In this process of building an impression of the “other,” the “New State,” created after April 1, 1939, played an important role, since in many ways the existence of this enemy “other” could favour unity between the rest, or “us.” The State used mandatory education as an efficient socialization tool in this process. The text looks at the different ways in which the image of the “other” was used in books that taught History, Civic Education and Patriotic Education in primary school.