This article addresses the question of how visual technology—night vision, thermal imaging, and virtual reality—has changed the experience of war for both combatants and non-combatants. Video and still images are analyzed to draw out some of the phenomenological aspects of how technology mitigates the perception of combat and its resultant casualties. I argue that while visual technology makes the experience of war more intimate, it also generates psychological distance between the viewer and the viewed. Weapons equipped with visual technology facilitate war crimes by dehumanizing the individuals being targeted and filtering the carnage these weapons produce.
Visual Technology, Virtual Reality, and the Experience of War
Jose N. Vasquez
Research on Israeli nuclear weapons policy is seen as the classic case of conflict between security constraints and the academic ethos of openness. However, the 'ambiguity' of Israel's declared policy has eroded considerably over time, first to 'opacity' and now to simple non-acknowledgement. Furthermore, there have been vast changes in strategic circumstances: the initial rationale as a nuclear deterrent to conventional attack has been eclipsed by deterrence of other weapons of mass destruction. This is potentially a more promising platform for arms control agreements. The changes also call into question the need for the continued extension of censorship into academic research on the topic.
Schoolbooks and Democratization in Multiethnic Central Europe
History schoolbooks are part of a much broader legitimation process through which every society's ruling elite secures the uncritical acceptance of the existing political, social and economic system, together with the cultural attributes that re ect its hegemony. In central Europe, the need to justify the creation of nation-states at the beginning and end of the twentieth century has generated proprietary accounts that have pitted the region's national groups against one another. Post-communist democratization has intensi ed these divisions as political leaders feel obliged to employ hoary myths—and avoid inconvenient facts— about their country's history in order to survive the electoral process. In this way they succumb to the "Frankenstein Syndrome" by which the history taught in the schools destroys those who dare to challenge the arti cial constructs of the past. The article surveys history teaching throughout central Europe, with special emphasis on the Yugoslav successor states.
Matthew J. Sherman
Ideations of corporeality are situated at the crux of "muscular Judaism" in early twentieth- century Europe. The sporting event was viewed as a battlefield for equalization. In the ideological context of Muskeljudentum, the apathy of Talmudjudentum (Talmudic Judaism) was replaced by exercise, in which the strengthening of the corporeal would rejuvenate the psychical. Jewish strongman Siegmund Breitbart capitalized on his masculine feats of strength and aesthetic appeal by creating public performances, which displayed not only militarized corporeality, but also provided a stage for the promotion of "muscular Judaism," through both symbolic and literal representations of Zionist ideology. Breitbart reappropriated masculine Jewish corporeality, embodied corporeal notions of reciprocity at the core of Muskeljudentum, and found individual agency through the militarized aesthetic and motion of his body.
-mediated monitoring, remote weapons systems, and autonomous multi-mission systems. The last two categories are included in the Roa-Yora (See-Shoot) Sentry Tech weapons system: a long-distance stationary remote-controlled weapon station (RCWS) and the Border Protector
Girlhood Identity in The Craft
“[a]lternative aggressions are, fundamentally, weapons of the weak.” Historically, disenfranchised groups such as “slaves and indentured servants … women before legal divorce … and working women … [with] abusive bosses” ( Chesney-Lind 2004: 51 ) have
Encountering the Missing in Postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina
anguish and uncertainty among the population. Moreover, totalitarian and oppressive governments often use abductions as weapons in internal warfare against dissidents and oppositional groups. 1 Disappearances are powerful weapons, insofar as their
What Are This Book's Implications for Today's (Political) Thinking
To begin with, I would like to ask some questions. Can you understand how someone could think that a war will bring peace? Do you understand the thinking that is behind the decision to deliver weapons to regions where that region’s own people will then fight against other human beings with those same weapons? (Not to mention the question of principle where the thinking behind the production and trade with weapons is concerned …) Do you understand how it is possible to have qualified German people train the military and the police of countries that are officially branded as terrorist or dictatorial?
The most deceitful aspect of Gerald Feldman’s commentary on my
book is his tacit claim that he is engaged in something other than
character assassination. As in other academic jihads he has pursued in
the past, Feldman’s most effective weapon has been his capacity for
ad hominem attack. Straightforward debate concerning disputed historical
evidence is considerably further down his list.
Interview with Fay Weldon
Joanna Zylinska and Fay Weldon
JZ: I realise that quoting excerpts from other people's essays on your work may seem ironic, as it creates a danger of 'monumentalising' the author and letting others speak 'in your name'. Nevertheless, I would like to take the risk of beginning with the words of Lorna Sage. In her preface to The Life and Loves of a She-Develop Lorna Sage writes: 'Fay's lack of respect for "nature" . . . is one of her greatest strengths: she knows it's fetish and attacks it with its own weapons'. I wonder, could you comment a little on your relation to nature?