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Contested Memory

Retrieving the Africanist (Liberatory) Conception of Non-racialism

Ndumiso Dladla

on what he called ‘civilisational difference’ in line with post-Second World War rejection of racial science (ibid.: 6). As Soske points out, ‘By identifying white supremacy with a biological theory of human difference, Thompson and other liberal

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“White” Guadeloupeans of “Mixed” Ancestry

Complicating Analyses of Whiteness and White Supremacy

Ary Gordien

both the complexity of Whiteness and the intricate ways in which White supremacy is reproduced and challenged in Guadeloupe. 2 Since the 1950s, anthropologists of the French Caribbean have provided valuable genealogical and socioanthropological

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The Draconian Governance of Illegalized Migrants in Western States

Barak Kalir

based on racialization, segregation, and deportation of undesired subjects, I argue Departheid, too, is animated by a sense of moral superiority that is rooted in a fantasy of White supremacy ( Hage 2000 ). 2 This sense of moral superiority justifies

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Resistance, Rebirth, and Redemption

The Rhetoric of White Supremacy in Post-Civil War Louisiana

Marek D. Steedman

Did white supremacists successfully appeal to a right of resistance in Louisiana in the 1870s? I argue that they did. White supremacists self-consciously defended their own actions within the framework of an Anglo-American discourse of resistance against tyrannical government, and they broadly succeeded in convincing fellow (white) citizens. Can we deny them the cover of legitimacy this tradition affords? We might suggest that a right to resist is rendered void by the fact that white supremacists were resisting constitutional democracy itself. I argue against this strategy (or, more precisely, for a right to resist constitutional democratic government), and suggest that the problem is not what white supremacists were fighting against. The right to resist is bound up with a defense of the just demands of the people, and this claim, as articulated by white supremacists, rests on decidedly shaky ground. Deciding the issue, however, is a matter of political contestation.

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Georgine Clarsen

Paul Gilroy observed in 2001 that there were “surprisingly few” discussions of automobiles in histories of African American vernacular cultures, in spite of their “epoch-making impact.” He argued that a “ distinctive history of propertylessness and material deprivation” had led to a disproportionate African American investment in automobiles. This article considers how car culture has also operated as a salve for the “indignities of white supremacy” for Indigenous Australians, though on very different terms.

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An Obstacle to Decolonising Europe

White Nationalism and Its Co-option of Serbian Propaganda

Jordan Kiper

While the central aim of decolonisation is undoing colonial legacies, a major obstacle is white nationalism. A new wave of transnational anti-globalist, Islamophobic, and white-grievance tropes have hybridised with local political ideologies of right-wing politics and authoritarian populists in Europe and the United States. Here, I review the cultural characteristics of this new wave of white nationalism by focusing on its co-option of Serbian nationalist propaganda from the Yugoslav Wars and shared receptivity to narratives among far-right political groups in former colonial powers. The portrait that emerges is one of cross-cultural variations on a common theme: maintaining white supremacy and actively countering ideological challenges to it. Critically, the new wave of white nationalism expands our anthropological understanding of white supremacy but also highlights the significance of white nationalism in obstructing justice initiatives that address the race crimes of colonialism. Less consensus has been reached, however, on how to counter white nationalist networks and transnational extremist propaganda. In addition to highlighting ways to counter white nationalist propaganda, I argue that decolonising Europe and achieving its envisioned relations of sociative peace will not be fully realised unless more is done to minimise the influence of white nationalism.

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Anjuli Webster

instances in which social science and white supremacy were politically and epistemically entangled. I then reflect on the deceits which silence the mutability of conquest in social scientific discourse. Moreover, I read the contemporary history of social

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Joel Modiri

ethical antithesis to the racist polity of ‘South Africa’ as constituted by the powers of settler-colonial white supremacy. The provenance of the term Azania is a long and protean one, but for our purposes it served as a political and philosophical

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The Nemesis of the Suburbs

Richard Turner and South African Liberalism

Steven Friedman

observation in The Eye of the Needle that white liberals were ‘white first, liberals second’ ( Turner 1980: 82 ), he argued that their ‘behaviour and beliefs […] often constitute a striking example of precisely how deep the assumptions of white supremacy run

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A White Republic? Whites and Whiteness in France

Mathilde Cohen and Sarah Mazouz

level, the attack was upsetting and terrifying. On another level, it was a boon, as it made obvious the relevance and urgency of thinking about race in the French context and, particularly, of interrogating White supremacy—the sociopolitical and economic