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The Revenge of Neglected Issues

EU Founders and Social Policy

George Ross

The founders of European integration had to make momentous choices that have since deeply marked the EU. They decided to focus their efforts on market-building, hypothesizing that economic interdependency would lead in time to “spillover“ beyond the new Europe's original mandates, a decision that left many key dimensions of national sovereignty outside the mandate of integration. One of these dimensions was social policy, roughly defined as the welfare state and labor relations. This division between what the EU could and could not do has lasted, with limited exceptions, to the present. Market integration over time, however, indirectly shifted the ground under national social models, sometimes imposing adjustments that have worked against the legitimacy of Europeanization. More recently the EU, concerned about the need for social policy reform to confront globalization, has attempted to coordinate national social model change by “soft power“ methods. These methods, by and large, have not been effective. This essay will discuss the consequences of the founders' choices historically.

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Katja Mäkinen

The question in this article is how citizenship is reinvented and recontextualized in a newly founded European Union after the launching of Union Citizenship. What kind of conceptions of citizenship are produced in this new and evolving organization? The research material consists of documents presented by EU organs from 1994 to 2007 concerning eight EU programs on citizenship and culture. I will analyze conceptual similarities (continuities) and differences (discontinuities) between these documents and previous conceptualizations in various contexts, including citizenship discussions in the history of integration since the 1970s as well as theories of democracy and nation-states. Based on the analysis of participation, rights, and identity as central dimensions of citizenship, I will discuss the relationship of Union Citizenship to democracy and nationality.

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Roberto Dominguez

This article examines the evolution of the European Union (EU)–Latin America environmental relationship and the EU contributions to environmental governance in Latin America over the past two decades. It argues that environmental governance in Latin America is the result of the combination of three elements: (a) progress, albeit problematic, of international environmental frameworks;(b) domestic transformations in Latin American states demanding better environmental standards; and (c) international cooperation. From this perspective, EU contributions to Latin American environmental governance have increased since the early 2000s, but varied in specific cases. In spite of some bilateral differences (EU–Ecuador or EU–Venezuela), EU environmental programs to Latin America have modestly increased in areas such as climate change, renewable energy, and water since the 2000s and hence EU environmental policies in Latin America are significant to the extent that the environmental variable has relatively gained more relevance in the bi-regional relationship.

Spanish Este artículo analiza la evolución de la relación medioambiental de la Unión Europea (UE) y América Latina y las contribuciones de la UE a la gobernanza ambiental en América Latina en las últimas dos décadas. Argumenta que la gobernanza ambiental en América Latina es el resultado de la combinación de tres elementos: (a) el progreso, aunque problemático, de los marcos internacionales sobre medio ambiente; (b) transformaciones internas en los estados latinoamericanos para exigir mejores normas ambientales; y (c) la cooperación internacional. Desde esta perspectiva, las contribuciones de la UE a la gobernanza ambiental de América Latina han aumentado desde la década de 2000, pero variado en casos específicos. A pesar de algunas diferencias bilaterales (UE–Ecuador o UE–Venezuela), programas medioambientales de la UE hacia América Latina han aumentado modestamente en ámbitos como el cambio climático, la energía renovable y el agua desde la década de 2000 y por lo tanto las políticas medioambientales de la UE en América Latina son significativas en la medida en que la variable ambiental relativamente ha adquirido más relevancia en la relación bi-regional.

French Cet article analyse l'évolution des incidences de l'Union européenne (UE) en matière d'environnement et des contributions de l'Amérique Latine et de l'UE à la gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine au cours des deux dernières décennies. La gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine est le résultat d'une combinaison de trois éléments: a) les progrès, bien que problématiques, des schémas internationaux en matière d'environnement, b) les transformations internes dans les États d'Amérique Latine revendiquant de meilleures normes environnementales, et c) la coopération internationale. Dans cette perspective, les contributions de l'UE à la gouvernance environnementale en Amérique Latine ont augmenté depuis les années 2000, mais ont varié dans des cas spécifiques. Malgré quelques différences bilatérales (entre l'UE-Equateur ou l'UEVenezuela), les programmes environnementaux de l'UE en Amérique latine ont augmenté modestement dans des domaines tels que le changement climatique, les énergies renouvelables et l'eau depuis les années 2000 et donc les politiques environnementales de l'UE en Amérique latine sont importantes dans la mesure où la variable environnementale a relativement gagné davantage de pertinence dans la relation bi-régionale.

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A cosmopolitan Europe?

On "unity in diversity" and the politics of Turkey's EU accession

Katharina Bodirsky

Cosmopolitan visions hold EU-Europe capable of recognizing diversity within limits set by universal principles. This view has gained currency in EU self-representations and among the liberal left as a counter to founding EU-Europe on civilizational unity. Proponents of a cosmopolitan Europe nevertheless partake in a culturalization of politics that enables and obscures processes of state transformation visible in Turkey's EU accession process. Debates on Turkey's EU membership construct a normative representation of EU-Europe that justifies EU accession measures as "normalization." Supporters of a cosmopolitan EU contribute to this political effect by adhering to a liberal distinction between "mere difference" to be tolerated and "disruptive difference" to be contained, which legitimizes an interventionist stance vis-à-vis Turkey. However, changes in state interventions and institutions supported by this normalizing project go beyond installing "unity in diversity" in cultural-political terms. They involve economic de- and reregulation that might entrench social and territorial inequalities.

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European Bodies?

Class and Gender Dynamics among EU Civil Servants in Brussels

Paweł Lewicki

Drawing upon ethnographic fieldwork between 2007 and 2011 in Brussels, this article shows how visual markers, class distinctions and classification of gender performances come together to create a ‘Euroclass’ among European civil servants. These markings, distinctions and classifications are denoted on bodily hexis and body performance and evoke stereotypes and essentialised representations of national cultures. However, after the enlargements of the EU in 2004 and 2007 they also reveal a postcolonial and imperial dynamic that perpetuates the division into ‘old’ and ‘new’ Europe and enables people from old member states to emerge as a different class that holds its cultural power firm in a dense political environment permeated by networks.

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Harlan Koff

The European Union’s (EU) 2015–2016 “migration/asylum crisis” gave discussions over the relationships between migration, security and development renewed prominence in global affairs. In response to record migratory flows, the EU, like the United States (US), has implemented security responses to migration aimed at protecting territorial integrity. This article addresses the migration–security–development nexus through the lens of policy coherence for development (PCD). It compares EU and US migration policies within the framework of the “transformative development” associated with the Sustainable Development Goals. It contends that these donors have undermined transformative development through the regionalization of development aid, which has contributed to the securitization of both development and migration policies. Thus, the article contends that new mechanisms for change need to be identified. It introduces the notion of “normative coherence” and proposes a potential role for regional human rights courts in fostering migration-related PCD.

Spanish abstract: La “crisis migratoria” de la Unión Europea (UE) del 2015–2016 arrojó discusiones sobre las relaciones entre migración, seguridad y desarrollo renovando su prominencia en los asuntos globales. La UE, como los Estados Unidos de América (EE.UU), ha implementado respuestas de seguridad a la migración dirigidas a proteger la integridad territorial. Este artículo se dirige al nexo entre migración, seguridad y desarrollo a través de la lente de la coherencia de políticas públicas para el desarrollo (CPD). Compara las políticas migratorias de UE y EE.UU dentro del marco del “desarrollo transformativo” asociado con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible. Sostiene que estos donantes han socavado el desarrollo transformativo mediante la regionalización de la ayuda al desarrollo, el cual ha contribuido a incorporar aspectos de seguridad. Así, el artículo sostiene que se requiere identificar nuevos mecanismos para el cambio. Se introduce la noción de “coherencia normativa” y propone el rol potencial de cortes regionales de derechos humanos para promover CPD relacionadas a la migración.

French abstract: La crise migratoire 2015-2016 de l’Union Européenne (UE) a replacé les discussions en matière de migration, de sécurité et de développement dans une perspective globale renouvelée. En réponse aux flux sans précédent, l’UE tout comme les Etats-Unis (EU) ont développé des réponses sécuritaires, destinées à protéger leur intégrité territoriale. Cet article évoque la connexion entre la migration, la sécurité et le développement à travers l’optique de la cohérence des politiques publiques pour le développement (CPD). Il compare les politiques migratoires de l’UE et des EU à partir du cadre du « développement transformateur » associé aux ODD. Il révèle que ces donateurs ont saboté le développement transformateur à travers la régionalisation de l’aide au développement, ce qui a contribué à octroyer un impératif sécuritaire. Ainsi, l’article soutient que de nouveaux mécanismes doivent être identifiés. Il introduit la « cohérence normative » et propose un rôle potentiel pour les Cours régionales des droits humaines dans la perspective de promouvoir la CPD en matière de migration.

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Dorothee Heisenberg

This article tries to assess the likely trajectory of Angela Merkel's policies toward the EU in contrast to her predecessor's. With Germany taking the European Council Presidency in the first half of 2007, Merkel will have had a year to put her stamp on the Presidency. By contrast, Gerhard Schröder, who took office in October 1998 had only two months before the German Council Presidency of 1999 began. I argue that Schröder's years will be remembered at the EU for a new emphasis on Germany's interests, and the decline of Germany's interest in and willingness to fund "European Grand Projects." Schröder had no great ambitions to follow Helmut Kohl's footsteps in being "reflexively European." Merkel, by contrast, shows signs early in her tenure to follow more closely her mentor's approach to the EU. I examine Germany's EU budget policies, as well as statements and policies toward the Stability and Growth Pact as the main support for the claim Merkel is different in policy not simply rhetoric.

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Kaloyan Haralampiev and Georgi Dimitrov

[Full article is in English]

English: This article proposes a novel two-level instrument for analytically robust distinction of typological differences in the area of rule of law (ROL) among the European countries. The first level of analysis uses the EC’s first anti-corruption report data for a cumulative calculation of the country’s rank of anti-corruption potential. This procedure is repeated on a higher level of aggregation, wherein the EC’s anti-corruption ranking is combined with the rankings of the World Press Freedom and Rule of Law Indices. Thus, the authors create a database for the second level quantitative instrument, which is a variation of cluster analysis. The stable clusters obtained do not coincide with conventional blocks of countries that figure in the academic literature.. The instrument for the measurement of the ROL ranking could be even more important for the assessment of the advancement of the candidate-states toward their full compliance with the EU ROL standards.

Spanish: Este artículo propone un instrumento doble nivel para un análisis detallado de las diferencias tipológicas del estado de derecho entre países europeos. El primer nivel utiliza el primer informe anti-corrupción de la CE para calcular de manera cumulativa la clasifi cación del potencial anti-corrupción de cada país. Este procedimiento se repite en un nivel superior de acumulación donde la clasifi cación anti-corrupción de la CE se combina con los índices mundiales de la libertad de prensa y el estado de derecho. Así, los autores crean una base de datos para el segundo nivel cuantitativo en una variación para el análisis de conglomerados. Como resultado, los conglomerados estables obtenidos no coinciden con los bloques convencionales de países que figuran en la literatura académica –antiguos/nuevos estados miembros de la UE; democracias consolidadas/ sociedades post-comunistas; Este/Oeste, etc. El instrumento para medir la clasifi cación del estado de derecho podría incluso ser más importante para evaluar el progreso de los países candidatos respecto al cumplimiento total de los estándares del estado de derecho de la UE.

French: Cet article propose un instrument nouveau à double niveau pour établir une distinction analytiquement solide des diff érences typologiques en matière d’État de droit dans les pays européens. Le premier niveau d’analyse utilise les données du premier rapport anti-corruption de la CE pour calculer de manière cumulative le classement du potentiel anti-corruption de chaque pays. Cett e procédure est répétée à un niveau plus élevé d’accumulation dans lequel le classement anti-corruption de la CE est combiné avec ceux des indices du classement mondial de la liberté de la presse et de l’Etat de droit. Ainsi, les auteurs créent une base de données destinée à l’instrument quantitatif de second niveau qui est une variante de l’analyse de clusters. Les clusters stables obtenus ne coïncident pas avec les blocs conventionnels de pays qui figurent dans la litt érature académique -anciens et nouveaux États membres de l’UE; démocraties consolidées/sociétés post-communistes; Est/Ouest, etc. Cet instrument de mesure du classement de l’État de droit pourrait être bien plus important pour l’évaluation des avancées des États candidats vers leur totale conformité avec les standards de l´Etat de droit de l’UE.

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Thomas Henökl and Michael Reiterer

Inter-regional orchestration is one possible strategy to shape global governance agendas, to coordinate international norm setting and contribute to a negotiated international order. The European Union has been engaging in various international, multilateral and inter-regional settings seeking cooperation with state and non-state actors striving for a multipolar and, to some extent post-Westphalian, system, based on democratic global governance structures and the rule of law among nations. Europe's interests, it is frequently argued, are best served by a stable set of relations, allowing for political and economic cooperation, trade and mutual respect. At the same time, the EU may have a system-inherent bias for regional cooperation. This contribution asks which are the innovative policy means to build multilateral governance structures, and what does the EU do to promote these with its partners around the world, and in particular in Asia and in the East-Asian sub-region. By adopting a behavioral approach and analyzing the mechanisms and instruments of EU engagement in Asia, this article contributes an organizational perspective on EU external governance and its multi-level foreign policy architecture to the geopolitical debates on the EU's role in Asian regional development.

Spanish Una posible estrategia para organizar las agendas de gobernanza global, coordinar el establecimiento de normas internacionales y contribuir a un orden internacional negociado es la orquestación interregional. La Unión Europea (UE) ha participado en varios foros internacionales e interregionales que buscan cooperar con actores estatales y no gubernamentales, aspirando a establecer un sistema multipolar , basado en el Estado de derecho y en estructuras de gobernanza democrática global. En este sentido, se e afirma que, probablemente, la UE tenga un sistema que esté inherentemente condicionado a favor de la cooperación regional. Este artículo se interroga sobre la determinación de las políticas innovadoras que construirán la estructura para una gobernanza multilateral y sobre el papel de la UE para promover políticas de desarrollo regional en Asia y, más particularmente, en Asia Oriental.

French L'orchestration interrégionale est une des stratégies possibles pour influencer l'agenda de la gouvernance globale, coordonner la création des normes internationales et pour contribuer à un ordre international négocié. L'Union européenne s'est engagée dans des schémas internationaux, multilatéraux et interrégionaux divers, en coopération avec des acteurs étatiques et non-étatiques, aspirant à un système multipolaire et, dans un certain sens, post-Westphalien, basé sur des structures démocratiques de gouvernance mondiale et ancré dans le droit international. Il est fréquemment évoqué que les intérêts européens sont mieux sauvegardés par un ensemble de relations stables, permettant la coopération politique et économique, le commerce et le respect mutuel. De plus, la matrice organisationnelle de l'UE semble être biaisée vers la coopération régionale. On s'interroge ensuite, sur la promotion de l'ensemble de ces pratiques par l'Union européenne avec ses partenaires dans le monde entier, et, plus particulièrement, dans la région de l'Asie de l'Est. Adoptant une approche béhavioriste, cet article examine les mécanismes et les instruments de l'engagement européen en Asie de l'Est et apporte une perspective organisationnelle de la gouvernance externe de l'UE et de son architecture multiniveaux de politique extérieure.

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Heide Castañeda

This article examines the unintended effects of policy on the cross-border health care experiences of persons from the new Central and Eastern European (CEE) states of the European Union (EU) during a time of major transition. While permitted to travel freely, most individuals from the new member states are not yet authorised to work in Germany. As a result, they face many everyday forms of exclusion, including lack of access to medical services. Drawing upon ethnographic fieldwork, this article examines experiences of patients from newly acceded CEE countries. Cross-border health care highlights instrumentality because implementation has consisted only of patchwork policies and is characterised by insufficient attention to marginalised populations, such as those who are driven to seek work abroad due to economic asymmetries across borders. In the current transitional period, evidence suggests a disconnect as social rights struggle to catch up to economic ones.