This study was aimed at appraising the overall situation of social inclusion in the three southern border provinces of Thailand as well as comparing the results with the national level. The results of the analyses revealed significant difference between the social inclusion situation in the southern border provinces and the overall situation of the whole country in terms of last election voting rate; discrimination experienced because of social status, physical handicap, age, sexual harassment, gender, nationality, among others. Priority is given to Thai students over immigrant students in college admission, and there is less chance of an immigrant becoming CEO of a Thai company. Opinions on the inequality between men and women are surveyed, such as who would be better political leaders, who could study at the university level, and who make better business executives. It also refers to the experience of difficulty in using public transport, and experience in using social care facilities for their household members.
Sonia Bussu and Maria Tullia Galanti
In 2014, Italian local government was affected by two key events: the passage of the Delrio law, which drastically reforms areabased government (i.e., provinces, municipal unions, and metropolitan cities) in the expectation that future constitutional reform will eliminate provinces entirely, and the rationalization program drawn up by Carlo Cottarelli, the special commissioner for the review of expenditure, which has profoundly affected the role of local authorities in owning and operating public utilities companies. This chapter traces the processes that led to these two reforms and, in doing so, elucidates the factors that motivated each reform.
Sergio Rizzo and Gian Antonio Stella
In this chapter, the efforts of the Italian ruling class to cut the costs of politics during 2012 are analyzed. An informal division of labor was established between Monti's executive, which was to take care of budgetary problems, and the Parliament, which was supposed to tackle the frequent scandals of corruption and public money mismanagement. The results of the latter's efforts were amply (and predictably) disappointing, justifying once more the low levels of trust that citizens display toward politicians. In particular, we consider five points: the expenditure cuts by the constitutional bodies, the failure to reduce the number of MPs, the effort to cut back on the public funding of political parties, the “anarchy” of regional expenditures, and the inability to decide about the abolition of provincial government.
I wonder what my son saw. Two tours in Iraq, the loss of two best friends, in two violent provinces, end punctuated by two months in peaceful Kurdistan, time to reflect in relative safety.
On 25–26 May 2003, voters in Valle d’Aosta, 12 provinces (including
Rome), and 93 of the 600 local governments selected with a two-ballot
system (including 9 of the 103 provincial capitals) were called to
the polls. A fortnight later, regional elections were held in Friuli-
Venezia Giulia and 3 other provincial capitals. On 26 October, elections
were held in the autonomous provinces of Trento and Bolzano.
The elections in the spring involved more than 12 million voters and
the following autumn, another 800,000 in Trentino-Alto Adige.
Although the number of voters was not insignificant, the 2003 elections
were nonetheless partial. The regions and autonomous provinces
called to the polls were exclusively in the North, while the local
and provincial polls were over-representative of the South (especially
Sicily) and under-representative of the “Red” areas of the country.
From a distance—I was glued to television and newspapers in Cambridge—nothing dramatic seemed to be happening in the Siberian provinces of Russia in 1989. All attention was focused on the amazing events in Germany, Czechoslova- kia, Romania, and Bulgaria; yet I remember not only my astonishment at the tumbling of regimes but also constant twinges of regret and impatience that I could not be there.
The Travel Writing of Reginald Farrer
Reginald Farrer (1880-1920) was a British writer and gardener who traveled and botanized in the western provinces of China during the early decades of the twentieth century. Farrer is perhaps best known for his contributions to gardening writing and botanical exploration; however, the primary focus of this article is his literary interests, and in particular, the intertexual relationship between his writing and Jane Austen's novels. Although scholarly work has investigated the postcolonial dimensions of Austen's fiction, little attention has been paid to the ways in which Austen's novels literally traveled. This article examines how Austen's fiction provided an unlikely lens for Farrer's view of China's border regions, and investigates both the difficulties and the liberating potential of reading Jane Austen in such an informal imperial context.
On 4 December 2016, a large majority of Italian voters turned down the most comprehensive and cohesive attempt to revise significant parts of the Constitution since 1948, namely, to overcome the country’s symmetrical bicameralism, to establish new state-region relations, and to streamline institutions, in part by abolishing the provinces and the National Council for Economics and Labor. This chapter offers an outline of the reform, which had been boldly approved by Parliament, and places it within its political and institutional context. It identifies the changes that the reform was set to introduce, attempts to assess the effects it would have had if it had been passed in the referendum, and considers some of the consequences of its rejection.
In 2004, for the third successive year, the center-left opposition achieved
political success in the local elections, while the center-right government
suffered a clear defeat. The headlines of the main daily papers
were unequivocal: “Cities and Provinces, the Victory of the Center-
Left” (Corriere della Sera, 15 June); “Olive-Tree Coalition Victorious in
the Cities” (la Repubblica, 15 June); “The Center-Left Wins the Race in
Milan” (Corriere della Sera, 28 June); “The Polo Loses Even in Milan”
(la Repubblica, 28 June); “The Center-Right Hands Milan over to the
DS” (Il Giornale, 28 June). The 2002 and 2003 elections had already
registered clear victories for the center-left, not least because of the
symbolic importance of the successes of Riccardo Illy in Friuli-Venezia
Giulia and Enrico Gasbarra in the Rome provincial elections.
Canada struggles to bolster immigration, especially in the Maritime Provinces that exist outside the current flow of migration to central or western Canada. Policy aimed at resolving this issue prioritizes practical and economic factors while ignoring the more subtle and personal facets of the decision to migrate. In this article, policy is coupled with human experience to inform new directions in research and implementation. The landscape of food and eating is the centre point of my analysis because shops and restaurants catering to Asian foods play important roles in constructing an environment favourable to immigration. Indeed, my research participants used food as a means of expressing notions of well-being and feelings of 'home' in a new setting. With a focus on the foodscapes in Halifax, Nova Scotia this article explores the role of food in how Vietnamese immigrants experience life in the Canadian Maritimes.