After the establishment of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, Turkish women gained numerous political, social, and educational rights. Their rapidly improving status was a frequent topic in the public discourse of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (SHS)/Yugoslavia during the interwar years. One can find numerous comments in Yugoslav newspapers and journal articles, monographs, diaries, travel accounts, and other texts of the period on the contrast between the status of women in the “traditional,” “conservative,” theocratic Ottoman Empire and the status of women in the “modern,” “liberal,” secular Republic of Turkey. The Yugoslav media compared the status of Turkish women with the position of women’s rights in Yugoslavia. Through the analysis of interwar Yugoslav public discourse on the status of women in contemporary Turkey, this article aims to reveal the Yugoslav public’s perception of women’s issues through the prism of Turkey as Europe’s “Other” and their self-perception.
Public Discourse in Interwar Yugoslavia on the Status of Women in Turkey (1923–1939)
The year 2011 marked the fiftieth anniversary of the bilateral recruitment
agreement that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) signed with
the Republic of Turkey in 1961. According to official figures, the immigrant
group with roots in Turkey and its offspring make the second largest
group currently after ethnic German emigrants (resettlers) in Germany.
Understanding this migration experience and the broader issues of immigration
in Germany is the motivation behind this special issue.
Pınar Melis Yelsalı Parmaksız
Modernization in Turkey started in the late Ottoman period as a social critique and took shape when the Turkish Republic was established as a modern nation-state in 1923. Women’s emancipation, which was inherent in the ideas of modernization, was one of the most important components of the Republican reforms. Subsequently, the reforms were implemented to attain women’s emancipation in a nationalist context. This article discusses the specific characteristics of the nationalist solution to gender issues in Turkey’s modernization. My argument is that the organization of political power as well as family life in Turkey rested on paternalism, meaning the father’s symbolic and actual power over others. Paternalism in Turkish modernization on the one hand provided a basis for justification of the authoritarian rule of the state and on the other hand enabled women to become modern, though the limits of their modernity were determined by the paternal authority. I focus on paternalism in the single-party years of the Republic and also discuss the current policies of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP) rule regarding gender and modernization, to show that the concept of paternalism remains relevant to understanding the gender regime in Turkey.
Reflections on a Village Tourism Project in Cyprus
On 1 May 2004, the Republic of Cyprus entered the European Union, unaccompanied by the Turkish-Cypriot population in the northern third of the island. The Green Line - the militarized border marking the cessation of hostilities in 1974 - now defines the outer edge of the European Union, creating a fluid and uncertain borderland which has become the focus for ongoing attempts to construct both the new Cyprus and the new Europe. Tourism has a central and contradictory role to play in these processes. It offers an avenue for stimulating economic activity and raising income levels in the Turkish-Cypriot north, and presents an opportunity to develop complementary tourism products north and south which could widen the appeal of the island as a whole and promote collaborative ventures between Greek- and Turkish-Cypriots. On the other hand, such developments face strong resistance from sections of the population north and south, who fear they will lead either to the legitimation and tacit recognition of the Turkish-Cypriot state in the north, or to a return to relations characterized by Greek-Cypriot dominance and Turkish-Cypriot dependence. The paper reflects on the author's involvement in a village tourism development project in Cyprus in 2005-2006 in order to explore what an anthropological approach to the use of tourism for political ends can tell us about conflict, and when, and under what conditions, tourism might be a force for peace and reconciliation.
Space, Time, and Text
Benjamin C. Fortna
This article addresses the interrelated changes taking place in education during the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In particular, it focuses on the ways in which schools altered their approach to space, time, and economic priorities in order to align themselves with the shifting conditions of the period. It proceeds by examining a series of tensions between the desiderata of state and society, the collective and the individual, the secular and the religious, the national and the supranational, before assessing the diverse range of responses they elicited.
Hope, confinement, and virtuality among youth on the Georgian Black Sea coast
Martin Demant Frederiksen
Among young unemployed or underemployed men in the port city of Batumi, the regional center of the Autonomous Republic of Ajara in Georgia, the Black Sea is a social and imaginary horizon that signifies both geographical mobility and confinement. Since Georgia gained independence, Batumi went from being a Soviet borderland to being an opening to the West. However, due to visa regulations, “the West”—and the opportunities associated with it—has long been limited to the other Black Sea countries of Turkey and Ukraine. Following the August 2008 war, Russia, although being a much more desirable destination, became out of reach for the majority of these men. Through the notions of social and geographical horizons, this article argues that the young men, despite their sense of confinement, manage to forge alternative connections to Russia via Internet sites, where the online dating of Russian women was used as a means to gain access to Russia via marriage.
Local populations in Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, and to a lesser degree in the Czech Republic, experienced much interaction with Muslims throughout the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when the Ottomans, as well as the Crimean Tatars, invaded the Kingdom of Hungary and waged wars against the Polish-Lithuanian state and the Habsburg Hereditary Lands. The Ottoman era has usually been reflected in the history textbooks of these four countries under the headings "Turkish Wars" or "Ottoman Expansion." Since the collapse of the Iron Curtain in 1989, all four ex-communist states have been involved in rewriting textbooks, although the perception of the Ottomans and Muslims has not changed in all cases. Without claiming to map the entire historical presentation of the Ottomans, this article demonstrates the polyphony found in the textbooks of this region. By analyzing secondary school educational materials in all four languages, it is possible to identify stereotypes, prejudices, and distortions within the perception of the Ottoman Turks.
Yulia Gradskova, Albena Hranova, Anastasia Falierou, Daniela Koleva, Birgit Sauer, Eleonora Naxidou, Sabine Rutar, Iris Rachamimov, Maryna Bazylevych, Timothy G. Ashplant and Nadezhda Alexandrova
Elisabetta Addis, Paloma de Villota, Florence Degavre, and John Eriksen, eds., Gender and Well-Being: The Role of Institutions
Nadezhda Alexandrova, Robini, kukli I chelovetsi. Predstavi za zhenite vuv vuzrozhdenskata publitsistika i prozata na Ljuben Karavelov (Slaves, dolls, individuals: Representations of women in nineteenth-century Bulgarian periodicals, and in Ljuben Karavelov's fiction)
Efi Kanner, Emfiles Koinonikes Diekdikiseis apo tin Othomaniki Aftokratoria stin Ellada kai stin Tourkia: O kosmos mias ellinidas hristianis daskalas (Gender-based social demands from the Ottoman Empire to Greece and Turkey: The world of a Greek-Orthodox female teacher)
Krassimira Daskalova, Zheni, pol i modernizatsia v Bulgaria, 1878–1944 (Women, gender and modernization in Bulgaria, 1878–1944)
Krassimira Daskalova, Caroline Hornstein Tomic;, Karl Kaser, Filip Radunovic;, eds., Gendering Post-Socialist Transition: Studies of Changing Gender Perspectives
Evguenia Davidova, Balkan Transitions to Modernity and Nation-States: Through the Eyes of Three Generations of Merchants (1780s–1890s)
Daniela Koleva, ed., Negotiating Normality: Everyday Lives in Socialist Institutions
Anna Krylova, Soviet Women in Combat: A History of Violence on the Eastern Front
Marian J. Rubchak, ed., Mapping Difference: The Many Faces of Women in Contemporary Ukraine
Ingrid Sharp and Matthew Stibbe, eds., Aftermaths of War: Women's Movements and Female Activists, 1918–1923
Mark David Wyers, “Wicked” Istanbul: The Regulation of Prostitution in the Early Turkish Republic
The Rubber Band Ball of Transnational Tensions
This article introduces a special issue of Contention Journal addressing various contemporary mobilizations of civil society in response to the war in Syria and the migration of refugees into Europe. With contributions from Turkey, Israel, Lebanon, Canada, the Czech Republic and Germany, the cases represent a breadth of multidisciplinary approaches and a variety of stylistic standpoints, from statistical media analysis to troubled personal reflections of engaged activist academics. The subject matter ranges from political mobilization against authoritarianism and austerity, transnational philanthropy, the emergence of local grassroots voluntary aid to right-wing populist nationalism. Though diverse, a coherent narrative is seen to converge around the refugee crisis as it unfolds in Europe; one of radical polarization within civil societies and starkly conflicting imaginaries of social futures that claim to preclude the legitimacy of other possibilities. At the same time alliances are being generated beyond borders in an attempt to bolster ideological capacity, authority, and force. This is not a clash of civilizations but the rubber band ball of transnational tension, a strained, chaotic and overlapping global contestation. At stake is the understanding of what a civil society should be.
Despite decades of official denial, modern Germany has always been a
country of immigration. From Poles migrating to the Ruhr in the late nineteenth
century, to German refugees and expellees after World War II, to
Italians and Greeks in the 1950s, to ethnic Germans from the former
Soviet Union and refugees from Bosnia in the 1990s, the country has a
long history of attracting newcomers. In fact, according to the recently
released 2011 census data, approximately 19 percent of the Federal Republic’s
population of around 80 million has a “migration background.”1 Of
course, this national average masks substantial variation at the state or city
level—places like Hamburg, Berlin and Baden-Württemberg have shares of
residents with such a background of a quarter or more, whereas the eastern
Länder have proportions under 5 percent. This sizeable population is
also very different than a generation ago—increasingly rooted and diverse:
60 percent of this group has German citizenship and about half of this subgroup
was born in Germany. Regarding countries of origin or ancestry,
17.9 percent have origins in Turkey, 13.1 percent in Poland, and about 8.7
percent in both Russia and Kazakhstan.