Restrictive conditions of temporary protection have required refugees to be resourceful and tactful in managing their own ‘resettlement’ in Australia. Ethnographic research among Hazara refugees from Central Afghanistan living on temporary protection visas, reveals the mobile phone to be fundamental to restoring their lives after detention. Hazara have made use of their mobile phones to establish a point of contact, get their bearings, and reposition themselves at the locus of their own new social networks. This article explores the affect of mobile phone use in a situation of temporary protection, in terms of a rubric of resilience.
The Draconian Governance of Illegalized Migrants in Western States
) complied with administrative requirements set by Western countries, end up being subjected to police raids, lengthy detention periods, family separation, and deportation to life-threatening places? How can thousands of people drown each year in the
The Urban and the Carceral
decade-long engagement with people in and on the brink of confining institutions. Most of the contributions originate in prison or detention (except for Moore's). From there, a number of different methodological choices structure how the authors explore
Zeynep S. Mencutek
The increasing salience and variations of “voluntary” return techniques have not yet been thoroughly investigated in the context of Global South countries, which host the majority of displaced people. As the largest refugee host and transit country, the case of Turkey provides important insights on the role that these instruments and the very notion of “voluntariness” play for migration governance. This article specifically looks at how Turkey develops and implements its own “voluntary return” instruments. The analysis illustrates different ways in which “voluntary” returns are being institutionalized at central state and substate levels across the country. It shows how these national mechanisms are imposed at multiple sites, while also being diffused as practices in everyday interactions with refugees across the country. The arguments I put forward arise from qualitative research that combined mapping of policy papers, national legislation, and interviews with returnees and other relevant stakeholders.
Stephanie J. Silverman
, criminal history, date of arrival, and sending country or country of origin conditions. The composite case study methodology is common in legal texts. Amir puts a face on a population that detention demonizes and hides away ( Mainwaring and Silverman 2017
The Mètis of Foreign Nationals Caught in the Wars on Terror, Drugs and Immigration
Carolina S. Boe
Rachid's strategy to avoid deportation is self-mutilating. After his latest release from prison, Rachid called me from the hospital where he was recovering after having swallowed a fork at the immigration detention centre a few hours prior to being taken
). The Dutch state issues an order for out-of-procedure subjects (hereafter, OOPSs) to leave the Netherlands within 28 days or face potential detention and forced removal. If OOPSs do not opt for an assisted voluntary return program (for example, via the
the UK. They are taking advantage of the UK and deserve detention, deportation and effective permanent punishment through their exclusion from the UK and from Europe. As Theresa May said when arguing in support of the creation of a ‘hostile environment
Methodological challenges in the production of knowledge on immigration detention
Due to the difficulties in accessing detention facilities, the discussion on immigration detention often draws on limited empirical data with varying degrees of attention paid to the heterogeneity of the detained population and their different stakes in an impending removal. Although a closed institution, various legal and administrative processes related to the enforcement of immigration decisions render immigration detention a relational field. Drawing on my fieldwork experiences while conducting multi‐sited ethnographic research on the immigration detention system in Finland, I discuss how methodological choices, theoretical presuppositions and circumstantial factors affect the production of knowledge on immigration detention. I address the relevance of: 1) the case selection among detainees with considerably varying immigration histories, social situations and detention times; 2) a multi‐sited research setting to conceive the various processes of immigration enforcement during detention; 3) an engaged research strategy to access detainees’ first‐hand knowledge of their immigration cases beyond dramatic representations; and 4) the employment of administrative data in contextualising empirical findings. I argue for the importance of examining detainees’ negotiations with the deportation apparatus, which shapes available options for detainees as well as determines the outcome of detention from the ‘outside’, despite its absence in everyday life in detention.
Indefinite Immigration Detention
Immigration detention is a central tenet of the British government’s response to immigration but remains under-theorised in academia. This article uses testimonies drawn from anthropological research conducted with detainees at an Immigration Removal Centre to examine lived experiences of immigration detention and explore the relationships between detainees and the British state. It suggests that despite being a space of extreme control (both in terms of legislation and daily practice), immigration detention is beset with uncertainty and confusion. Examples are given of chronic instability in relation to mobility, violent ‘incidents’, time frames and access to information. The article examines the repercussions of such instability on individuals and coping strategies employed. It argues that immigration detainees live in a context of continual crisis, in which profound uncertainty becomes normalised. This disorder should be understood as a technique of power, with governance through uncertainty constructing certain immigrants as expendable, transient and ultimately, deportable.