This article is about natsionalizm as an instrumental concept used manipulatively in the Soviet state by the ruling elite. It argues that accusations of natsionalizm in the Soviet Union served a particular purpose of manipulation and punishment. An instrumental character of accusations turned the victims into enemies and sacrificial scapegoats in order to prove the righteousness of the Soviet society. This article uses case studies from the recent history of one of the Russian republics, Republic of Sakha (Iakutiia).
Enemies and Scapegoats
The Iconography of the
Lara Campos Pérez
This article takes a close look at the iconographic construction of the so-called “otherness” in Spain between 1936 and 1945. During this three year period of civil unrest, the Franco regime set out to cast the defeated half of the war as an inimical “other.” In this process of building an impression of the “other,” the “New State,” created after April 1, 1939, played an important role, since in many ways the existence of this enemy “other” could favour unity between the rest, or “us.” The State used mandatory education as an efficient socialization tool in this process. The text looks at the different ways in which the image of the “other” was used in books that taught History, Civic Education and Patriotic Education in primary school.
Controlling Women’s Sexuality in the Ukrainian Nationalist Underground
This article examines how the constructions of gender, female sexuality, nation, and war by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army influenced their attitudes to intimate fraternization between women (both members of the nationalist underground and civilians) and enemy men between 1939 and the mid-1950s. Conclusions are based on the analysis of a wide range of sources. The article highlights various forms and methods of repressive measures against women who transgressed sexual norms. The article argues that the violent practices against women were not standardized, and largely depended on subjective decisions of the local leaders and commanders, as well as on the level of women’s engagement in the underground activities. Violence against women represented a tool of preservation of patriarchal power and traditional gender roles but became one of the means of constructing power relations among the nationalist men, as well as their relations with enemy men.
Yael S. Aronoff
I analyze the actions of Israeli prime ministers in the long-standing conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, comparing one prime minister who remained hard-line and one who evolved into a peace maker. By examining their belief systems and individual characteristics, I hypothesize the types of hawks that are more likely to change their views of an opponent and convert into peace-makers. Although a change in both the opponent and the environment is necessary for a leader to change his image of an enemy, three additional elements make change more probable: (1) a weak ideological commitment, or a commitment to an ideology that does not have its components articulated as obstacles; (2) a present or future individual time orientation; (3) either a flexible cognitive system or exposure and openness to a significant advisor who has a different view of the opponent.
Reflections on a Trope in Eighteenth-Century Historiography
This article attempts to explain the appeal of "terror" in the French Revolution by examining the history of the concept of terror. It focuses on historiographical representations of sovereign powers, whether monarchs or nations, as "terrors" of their enemies. It argues that the term typically connoted majesty, glory, justice and hence legitimacy. Moreover, historiographical depictions of past rulers and nations frequently emphasized the transiency of terror as an attribute of power; they dramatized decline in formulations such as "once terrible." For the revolutionaries, terror therefore provided a means of legitimation, but one that always had to be guarded and reinforced.
Unmasking the Enemy
Nancy Cartwright has a reputation as an opponent of realism, a reputation which is based on her notorious claim that the way in which the fundamental laws of physics are used in explanation argues for their falsehood (Cartwright 1983). In a recent paper, Cartwright has made it clear that she no longer sees the principal arguments in the book in which she presented that claim, How the Laws of Physics Lie (henceforth How the Laws) as objections to realism itself, but as objections to a doctrine that she understands to be a common fellow-traveller with realism, which she refers to as fundamentalism.
Theorizing dispossession and mirroring conspiracy in the Republic of Georgia
Katrine Bendtsen Gotfredsen
This article connects a specific generational experience of having been dispossessed of former social status and political influence to suspicious theories of conspiracies and hidden connections. Th rough ethnographic cases from Georgia I argue that while acting as an explanatory framework for the personal experience of being economically and politically dispossessed, conspiracy theorizing may also work as an everyday means of reappropriating a morally meaningful social identity through the mirroring of a general form of political rhetoric and power. The theories analyzed in the article draw on socially and culturally recognizable registers and tap into a general atmosphere of suspicion and opacity in which mistrust of official accounts and rhetoric is reasonable and appealing. They thus work as a means of repacking generational and economical marginality into a broader framework that is of concern to the wider community and may be seen to represent an effort of reclaiming a moral high ground and being reinscribed into wider social and national domains.
The West German Green Party's 1983 entrance into the Bundestag marked a major break, both in the history of this young political force and the parliamentary system of the Bonn Republic. The Greens had been founded in opposition to the guiding principles of the West German postwar consensus and conceived of themselves as an “anti-parliamentary party.” Although they had gained parliamentary experience in some regional chambers, their entrance onto the national parliamentary stage juxtaposed old ideals and new challenges—for the Greens themselves as well as for German political culture. Taking this singular historic moment as a starting point, this article summarizes the formation of the Greens in the context of the changing political and ideological landscape of the 1970s. It also contrasts the party's formation with the transformations in terms of program and personnel that it undertook during the 1980s. The focus lies less on the specific activities of the green parliamentary group than on the broader developments in green politics and thinking.
Being a Portuguese New Christian at the Time of The Last Kabbalist of Lisbon
I would like to describe the nightmare of being a Jew or New Christian during a unique period in Portuguese history, beginning in the year 1492 and ending in 1536 – the era, not coincidentally, that corresponds to the events in a novel of mine that was recently released in Britain, The Last Kabbalist of Lisbon.
The Problematic Nature of the 'Enemy Psalms' in Christian Reception
Catholic prayer traditions always were very close to the whole book of Psalms. But when Second Vatican Council generated a process of reform within the Church, some thought it not appropriate for modern Christians to say prayers that sometimes resemble curses; so finally it was decided that in the Liturgy of the Hours some verses had to be omitted, or put in parenthesis. This criticism is not new; through the ages there have been various intents to cope with the problem, none of them very satisfactory. So this paper proposes five new tracks to understand the language and imagery of violence in the Psalms: their language is not so much descriptive, but poetic and metaphorical. The violence mentioned in the Psalms simply is part of our reality – and so it has to be part of our prayer. The questions 'who is speaking?' and 'whom are they speaking to?' reveal the perspective of the victims of violence as well as the strict theocentricity of the Psalms. And finally, the intention of these prayers is to limit or end violence, not to multiply it. Three modern 'Psalms' from twentieth and twenty-first century authors show that our modern times, too, need a powerful language to cope spiritually with various experiences of violence.