This article examines the liberalization of public services promoted by the Monti government with a law to which it attached great importance, arguing that liberalization would bring significant improvements to the economy and to consumers within a few years. In fact, the innovative capacity of the decree has been significantly diminished due to the amendments adopted in Parliament in response to efforts to maintain the status quo made by interest groups threatened by liberalization. This outcome is explained by the lack of cohesion of the parliamentary majority that supported the caretaker government and by its susceptibility to the influence of organized interests.
From the moment Silvio Berlusconi entered politics in 1994, the
conflict of interest issue has rarely been off the political agenda.
Yet when he returned to power in 2001, the dilemma posed by his
occupancy of Palazzo Chigi was almost exactly the same as it had
been seven years earlier. Much had been said and written on the
subject in the intervening period by politicians, lawyers and academics.
Numerous bills on the regulation of conflicts of interest
were introduced in both subsequent Parliaments. In April 1998, a
bill with very broad cross-party support was agreed upon by the
Chamber of Deputies, and very late in the day, and with important
amendments from the Chamber version, one was approved,
on a far more partisan basis, by the Senate in February 2001.
This article tries to assess the likely trajectory of Angela Merkel's policies toward the EU in contrast to her predecessor's. With Germany taking the European Council Presidency in the first half of 2007, Merkel will have had a year to put her stamp on the Presidency. By contrast, Gerhard Schröder, who took office in October 1998 had only two months before the German Council Presidency of 1999 began. I argue that Schröder's years will be remembered at the EU for a new emphasis on Germany's interests, and the decline of Germany's interest in and willingness to fund "European Grand Projects." Schröder had no great ambitions to follow Helmut Kohl's footsteps in being "reflexively European." Merkel, by contrast, shows signs early in her tenure to follow more closely her mentor's approach to the EU. I examine Germany's EU budget policies, as well as statements and policies toward the Stability and Growth Pact as the main support for the claim Merkel is different in policy not simply rhetoric.
John V. Maciuika
Although the conflict between Muthesius and van de Velde has been well documented in the annals of modern architectural and design history, far less understood is the extent to which domestic political crises and new policy departures in Berlin served as preconditions for the Werkbund conflict in the first place. Prominent Werkbund members—men such as Werkbund Managing Director Ernst Jäckh and Werkbund Vice President Hermann Muthesius, but also including such national political figures and Werkbund members as Friedrich Naumann of Württemberg and Gustav Stresemann of Saxony—used institutional affiliations and their multiple professional identities to forge unprecedented linkages between the Werkbund leadership, industrial interest groups, and powerful German state interests. Specifically, and at the national level, new policies articulated by German Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg and key German ministries in Berlin, strident national interest group politics, and an evolving state outlook toward Weltpolitik (geopolitical strategy) combined to reshape Werkbund policy in fundamental ways between 1912 and 1914. Without these forces, and without developments that followed the lopsided and highly contentious Reichstag elections of January 1912, the Werkbund likely never would have risen to the prominent position it came to occupy with state authorities by July 1914.
Louise K. Davidson-Schmich
and elsewhere in order to highlight the unusual nature of the events of 2017; I also introduce the concept of a critical actor. Second, I discuss lgbti interest articulation in the run-up to the election campaign and then turn to an assessment of the
the gay movement, writing collaborations (for example, with Gary Dowsett) and, more generally, her interest in issues of sexuality and the location of sexuality and body in unequal gender relations. In South Africa, interest in issues of sexuality
public interests, corporate CSR practices – that according to Hertz are practices deriving from the market – are able ‘to preempt and discredit attempts to define and carry out policies designed to protect the broader public interest’. CSR should be seen
Eva Insulander, Fredrik Lindstrand, and Staffan Selander
orchestration of these modes are used in different ways to highlight what is seen as the core element in each of the specific semiotic contexts—whether the concern is to create interest and stories (the film series), authenticity and reflection on historical
representation. Democracies become vulnerable to populist politics when parties of government and of opposition, unions, and interest groups fail to transmit the interests and grievances of significant segments of the population into political deliberation and
their interest—for example, a particular camera movement (e.g., Seeley and Carroll 2014 ) or a particular narrative structure (e.g., the plot twist; Pérez and Reisenzein submitted). Second, they desire to better understand the nature and function of