Up until several years ago, threats of the effects of a climate crisis – floods, extreme meteorological phenomena, desertification, the thawing of the permafrost – were discussed mainly in relation to monuments, buildings and architecture of high cultural and historical importance (Bernecker 2014; Gruber 2011; Jigyasu 2020; Ringbeck 2014). The herito-climatological literature has been insufficient in the context of intangible cultural heritage (ICH), understood by the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage as a set of practices, ideas, messages, knowledge and skills. Launched by the Convention, the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding identifies several phenomena that are specifically threatened by climate change – large-scale and sustained shifts in weather patterns affecting traditional ways of living and deteriorating conditions for the practice and transmission of ICH.
Yet up to 2016, the UNESCO document was not adapted to consider the threat or consequences of the climate crisis on ICH (Bernecker 2014: 207). Environmental sustainability, climate change and resilience were addressed by the General Assembly during its sixth session in 2016. A few years later, UNESCO, in cooperation with ICOMOS, the International Council on Monuments and Sites, and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), organised the International Co-sponsored Meeting on Culture, Heritage and Climate Change, which intended to bring together experts in cultural heritage and climate science. According to IPCC Chair Hoesung Lee, the meeting's objective was ‘to advance heritage and culture-based actions for climate change adaptation and carbon mitigation’. Authors of the resulting report claim that there is still an underrepresentation of several types of heritage within the understanding of climate change for cultural heritage, particularly for indoor, underwater and intangible cultural heritage (Simpson et al. 2022: 61).
This article provides an overview of the assumptions and early results of an ongoing research project (Analysis of the Relation Between Anthropogenic Climate Change and Local Practices towards the Intangible Cultural Heritage, co-funded by the Polish National Science Center: Ref. DEC-2022/06/X/HS2/00741) on the relationship between climate change and the practice of ICH in two Polish cases. Through the example of winter horse-drawn sleigh races and wickerwork, I shall portray the consequences of low snow resources, shifts in the vegetation cycle and hydrological drought for the practice of traditions, people's beliefs about climate change, and possible ways to protect heritage in times of uncertainty. The article aims to reflect on the connections between the safeguarding of ICH and mitigating the effects of the climate crisis. The pilot study concerns seven customs related to the growing season, annual snow detention and water access, and examines local responses to human-induced environmental change that affect the practice of ICH, bottom-up strategies of resilience to natural hazards, and the development of solution-oriented pathways to achieve herito-environmental sustainability in times of uncertainty. My aim is to explore local ways of perceiving, explaining and reacting to global change (Krauss 2009; Milton 2008; Rojas Blanco 2006).
As stated by Miguel Gomez-Heras and Stephen McCabe (2015) in their study of stone-built heritage decay, it is worth considering the Anthropocene as a time of mutual impact between humans and the Earth system, where each influences the behaviour of the other in a complex two-way interaction. This research is useful to conduct from the perspective of ethnoclimatology (Orlove et al. 2002) or climate ethnography (Crate 2011). According to Sarah Strauss (2018), ethnoclimatology focusses on localised knowledge and practices generated by cultures or communities rooted in a particular geographic context, becoming an extremely important element for both documenting and responding to climate change in local communities. Ethnoclimatology can be perceived as a sub-discipline of the anthropology of weather – a broad spectrum of research on how different cultures understand, value and interact with the weather and climate. Weather or climate anthropologists focus on weather-related human emotions such as anticipating and coping. Outi Rantala and colleagues (2011) argue that weather is more than just a medium between humans and the environment; it also evokes and holds strong agency by manipulating human practices in directing and redirecting our nature-based activities. Susan Crate and Mark Nuttall (2016: 14) even introduce the term ‘anthropology of climate change’, explaining how this perspective differs from long-standing anthropological interests in the natural environment.
Tradition helps us cope with the uncertain through familiar and repetitive actions. The collective practice of ICH provides a sense of belonging and security, especially in times of uncertainty. The yearly routine provides comfort and a sense of predictability reflected in traditional weather forecasting, proverbs and the ritual timeline. The Polish ritual year, consisting of religious holidays and symbolic dates of certain weather phenomena, which designate the time of particular actions, expresses people's efforts to tame and organise the environment.
The ethnographic workspace of my research is composed of seven phenomena inscribed on the Polish List of Intangible Cultural Heritage (Table 1). Several more heritage expressions, which could be covered by a similar study, were listed while writing this article. Each of these phenomena is related to the environment through water, snow or plants. The entire project involved seven periods of field research, each lasting between four and ten days, in each of the seven locations.
During each trip, I conducted a minimum of five ethnographic interviews with people involved in practising particular expressions of heritage and, in several cases, also with representatives of local authorities who were engaged in these practices in an organisational and financial context. The empirical material I collected includes 45 interviews, 1,650 photos, 38 short films and 91 pages of field notes. The phenomena discussed in this article are based on 19 ethnographic interviews – 9 for Kumoterki (horse-drawn sleigh races) and 10 for wickerwork. It is important to note that the project is a pilot study, the main purpose of which is to perform a reconnaissance of the issue, verify initial research assumptions, create a network of contacts and select the cases with the greatest potential for further research in the area.
Kumoterki is a competition for two-person (man and woman) teams racing on a snow track with horse-drawn sleighs typical for the Podhale region in Poland, dating back to the early nineteenth century. Each sleigh is made of wood from local tree species and decorated with the regional art of woodcarving. The seat is padded with straw or hay and a chequered blanket with tassels. As the sleigh was used as a means of transport, primarily for the parade ride to the church on the day of a child's baptism, its name comes from a local expression meaning ‘godparents’. The races take place during the carnival (from mid-January to the end of February) in seven locations: Biały Dunajec, Bukowina Tatrzańska, Kościelisko, Ludźmierz, Poronin, Szaflary and Zakopane. Competitors race along a track of 800 to 1,400 metres in length. The driver (male) is responsible for the horse's track, while the passenger (female) stabilises the carriage when it curves. In sharp turns, when the sled tilts and one skid is pulled off the ground, the passenger must step one foot outside the sled and try to set it back on the track (Figure 1).
Young participants in the 2023 Kumoterki race in Bukowina Tatrzańska (Photo by author)
Citation: Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 33, 1; 10.3167/ajec.2024.330103
The custom entered the Polish List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2017. The event attracts not only members of the local community, but also many tourists. The background for the races consists of food trucks, toy stalls, festive music and hot sausages. One can take a photo with people in folk costumes and buy a helium-filled balloon in the shape of one's favourite cartoon character. However, for the races to take place, certain technical and weather conditions should be met. These are, in particular, frozen ground and snow cover that are together approximately 20–50 cm thick. This allows the heavy horses, sleigh and two people inside to move safely on the track. In 2019, abnormally high temperatures triggered thawing, which resulted in competitors having to race in mud. The local web portal reported seventeen cancelled races since 2016.
The IPCC First Assessment Report (1990) foreshadowed the impact of climate change on the terrestrial component of the cryosphere. For most locations which currently experience a seasonal snow cover and frozen ground, projected climate changes suggest a decreased duration of snow cover, and, in some cases, a complete withdrawal of snow. The authors argue that the ‘socioeconomic consequences of these impacts will be significant for those regions which depend on snow and ice for water resources, and their social and economic welfare (e.g. recreation and the tourist industry)’ (1990: 283). This applies equally to expressions of ICH associated with snow, such as the Podhale horse sleigh races. The latest Fifth Assessment Report (2014) proves that Northern Hemisphere spring snow cover has continued to decrease in extent and that changing precipitation or melting snow or ice are altering hydrological systems.
According to Małgorzata Falarz (2021), the lack of snow is a problem that also affects Poland. It causes a decrease in the albedo of a given area and an increase in the local temperature, which in turn drives further snow cover. This feedback mechanism is largely responsible for rising winter temperatures and a decreasing number of cold days in the eastern part of Europe. Slowly melting snow cover gradually releases water to supplement the spring water requirements for plants. The lack of thaw before the growing season disrupts proper plant growth and increases the risk of drought.
In 2023, three of the seven snow-racing competitions in the Podhale region were cancelled due to insufficient snow cover. For the rest, organisers waited until the last possible moment to announce the decision. In some of these places, races have not been held for several years, yet they are still planned, only to be cancelled days before. Empirical data revealed a limited awareness of climate change amongst respondents. Only one person referred to global warming and identified anthropogenic factors (pollution, carbon dioxide emissions, car fumes) as those largely responsible for its progression. Two interviewees strongly denied the credibility of scientific reports about climate change, although national and international academies of science and professional associations have formed a strong scientific consensus on global warming. According to climatologists, the Earth's climate has been warming since the mid-twentieth century, mainly due to human activity (Anderegg et al. 2010). These assessments confirm and support the statement of the IPCC.
Theoretically, it is possible to respond to snowless winters. The winter tourism industry has developed tools to cope with adverse meteorological conditions (such as the use of snow cannons). Artificial snow-making would indeed fit into a strategy to safeguard ICH, but not to protect the environment and mitigate the climate crisis. It would rather be an emergency aid that masks the real problem. A few days of snowy weather or uncancelled races can be a successful distraction. One person, pointing to the snow, said with a smile on his face: ‘As you can see, there is no climate change here’. Unfortunately, race organisers and heritage depositories have neither the snow-making machines nor the finances to rent them from ski-slope owners. In addition, an artificially created snow cover is slippery and dangerous. Another solution could be to replace sleighs with wheeled carriages, but this, according to most, would make the custom lose its primary meaning – it would no longer be either a snow or a sledding race. A former participant suggested an in-between solution – a sled with small wheels hidden in the skids. The last resort would be to organise one joint race, but it was said by several respondents that it would not be possible due to potential local conflicts.
As mentioned above, interviewees presented low awareness about climate change. This does not mean that they did not observe or experience any changes at all. Almost every conversation included information about snowless, short and warm winters. According to respondents’ observations of the winter's duration, temperature, and frequency or intensity of snowfall, the last cold and snow-rich winters were in their youth, that is, no later than the 1990s. One person, somewhat jokingly, but with a hint of concern in her voice, said to me that ‘this year we had a real spring in January’. A misconception, which appeared twice in interviews, was the belief that debates on the weather are being controlled by certain groups of people in authority. Conspiracy theories co-existed in the statements of my interlocutors with climate change denial. Many people spoke about climate change with sarcasm, or openly denied it.
The skill of wickerwork or willow weaving occurs in four traditions inscribed on the Polish List of Intangible Cultural Heritage. The first, Kabłącok basket-weaving skills in Lucimia, entered the list in 2017. A year later, it was followed by Willow weaving in Poland. Efforts related to the entries were made by the Polish National Association of Basketmakers and Willow Weavers, whose members make utility goods (shopping baskets, furniture, trunks), products made at customers’ special request, as well as artistic spatial and architectural forms (outdoor sculptures) (Figure 2).
A man showing a wicker basket he made in Lucimia (Photo by author)
Citation: Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 33, 1; 10.3167/ajec.2024.330103
In 2023, two more already mentioned phenomena (Wicker baskets from Ciężkowice and Wickerwork in Opole Silesia) were included. Currently, the wickerwork community is applying for inclusion in the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. These entries, apart from willow weaving, also include verbal folklore formed around it, a set of activities related to the cultivation and maintenance of home plantations and natural stands, the felling and storage of plaiting material, and the sale of ready-made products. Four entries on willow weaving suggest the great importance of willow in the Polish cultural landscape, which is confirmed by publications on its symbolism (Drabik 1990; Olędzki 1994; Pieńczak and Kłodnicki 2002). Young shoots, as the basic ingredient of an Easter palm, were an important element of spring rituals used in many magical practices (Kolberg 1962: 274-288; 1963: 132-141).
Wickerwork production does not only involve practising the local ICH but also serves as a source of additional income, especially for the elderly, who in this way supplement their retirement or disability pension. Confirmation of the supportive nature of basketry can be found in the literature from the end of the nineteenth century (Nowicki 1884: 112). One of the species commonly used in Poland for willow weaving was the so-called konopianka (Salix viminalis), a willow growing wild on riverbanks and wetlands. Nowadays, natural sites are replaced by plantations of American willow (Salix Americana) (Adamska 2009: 18–19). Unsurprisingly, willow-weaving works depend on the weather conditions, as the seasons of the year determine whether to start or stop wickerwork-related activities like planting and harvesting. Willow requires constant access to water resources; therefore, its cultivation is possible on riversides or well-watered places. The strong connection of craftsmanship and raw material with the surface water level suggests a threat to the stability of practising this type of ICH resulting from climate change and agricultural drought. A willow weaver from the Kwidzyn vicinity in northern Poland was unable to find a wild willow location after a long break in craftworking. The researchers who interviewed him later wrote: ‘Doubt and fear seized us – what if this situation repeats itself? What if we find people and there isn't enough material to weave?’ (Adamska 2009: 50).
This uncertainty seems still to be valid, as extreme weather phenomena such as drought or hail are high-risk factors in the cultivation of the willow used in basketry. The connection to plants makes this heritage vulnerable to hydrological or agricultural drought (AD). According to the definition set out in the 7 July 2005 Act on the Insurance of Agricultural Crops and Livestock, AD refers to damage caused by the occurrence in any sixty-day period from 21 March to 30 September in a given year of a climatic water balance (CWB) below a certain value for individual species or crop groups and soil categories. AD occurs when the calculated CWB values for a municipality are lower than the critical values of the CWB. The CWB is specified in a Regulation of the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development. As reported by the Polish Agricultural Drought Monitoring System, in the case of spring cereals 38.17 per cent of the farming areas was at risk. The most difficult of the last five years was 2018, when the drought covered more than 70 per cent of the entire country. AD results in the root systems of crops having access to less water than is recommended. Although it is not the only factor that jeopardises agricultural crops, AD emerged in interviews with wicker makers most frequently.
According to the Polish Classification of Goods and Services, wickerwork and willow weaving are classified as forestry-related services. Therefore, it cannot be covered by funding and compensation, for example due to drought, as in the case of agricultural crops. In official letters to the Polish Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, the wickerwork community stresses their serious losses due to natural disasters, especially drought. The argument for including their crops in agricultural subsidies is, according to the depositors, the fact that their craft is on the Polish List of Intangible Cultural Heritage. A major counter-argument is that the list covers the skill and knowledge of weaving, not wicker as a raw material itself. There are, indeed, upcycling practices of weaving from recycled materials such as plastic bags, cables and paper. This is one of the methods to apply local knowledge related to ICH to reduce the carbon footprint. Another is constructing green screens against car emissions. Placing shrub willows along transport arteries, planting and braiding them in the form of tall hedges, provides a buffer zone to protect the people and the agricultural and horticultural crops nearby (Chwaliński 2022). Several species of willow are highly adaptable to changing or unfavourable ecological conditions. Willows growing by rivers and streams create natural reservoirs that retain the flow of water. Salix viminalis, Salix purpurea and Salix eleagnos can be planted on landfills, thus contributing to the ecological reclamation of post-industrial spaces.
Ethnographic data revealed three types of human action toward ICH related to the environment – passive adaptation, individual pragmatism and active adaptation. Passive adaptation refers to the transformation of particular activities in order to meet shifting environmental conditions. This includes, for example, the use of artificial flowers to arrange Corpus Christi floral carpets in the case of drought or a changing vegetation cycle. Individual pragmatism mostly means giving the custom up. According to my research partners from the Podhale region, most safeguarding actions have minimal chances of success, so their coping (or non-coping) strategy is cancelled. Active adaptation stands for an understanding of the relation between the environment and the ICH.
One of the two cultural practices discussed above has significant potential for promoting sustainability, strengthening the relationship between people and the environment, and mitigating climate change. The resulting long-term actions combine the safeguarding of tradition with the protection of the environment, as it is amongst the wickerwork community. In Nowy Tomysl, the headquarters of the Polish National Association of Basketmakers and Willow Weavers and the Museum of Wickerwork and Hop Making, you will find the WIGLOO – a large, wicker construction in the shape of an igloo (Figure 3).
WIGLOO – a wicker construction in the shape of an igloo located near the Museum of Wickerwork and Hop Making in Nowy Tomysl in Poland (Photo by author)
Citation: Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 33, 1; 10.3167/ajec.2024.330103
As it says on the memorial plaque, it was made by Polish wickerwork-makers as a symbol of humankind's fight with global warming as well as a manifestation of the concern to preserve ecological living conditions on Earth.
Weaving can be performed not only with wicker, stubble or spruce roots, but also recycled materials, such as paper and plastic. Conducting ethnographic observation at the 5th Wicker and Weaving Festival in Poznan, Poland, I noticed several participants who used garden hoses and fishing nets instead of natural materials. Their goal was not only to produce artistic or everyday objects, but also to raise awareness about environmental pollution and ways of counteracting it. Therefore, I believe that weaving, while providing opportunities for artistic expression and the protection of ICH, has significant potential in climate activism, sustainability and mitigation. By planting willow, which will provide braiders with natural material, we are able to reclaim post-industrial spaces and turn them into green areas. By weaving using recycled materials, we can strengthen our relationship with the environment while passing on the tradition. Supporting such ICH will help build or strengthen resilient communities with a strong regional identity based on a sustainable relationship with the environment.
Global environmental changes jeopardise not only day-to-day life, but also festive activities that have significant importance in the forging of local and regional identity. The climate crisis is creating new uncertainties to which local communities are struggling to adapt in terms of the cultural heritage they practice. The anthropologist's task is to reach the people on the metrological frontlines – those who practice heritage that require certain heavy snowfall or sufficient surface water levels. This is the only way to access indigenous knowledge, which can prove crucial to mitigation and sustainability (see Crate et al. 2017). Examining local answers to global environmental challenges from an anthropological perspective has the power to fill a still-present gap between human-induced global climate changes and the local ways of resilience in the context of tradition (Crate 2011: 177).
Conclusion
One of the initial conclusions of the research is the subtle difference between adapting to the weather and coping with climate change. The practices analysed were a type of local response to the state of the atmosphere and meteorological conditions at a particular place and time (weather), rather than to a changing the climate regime with its causes and implications for all human and non-human beings (climate crisis). There is no doubt that climate change is progressing whether we are aware of it or not, but is it legitimate to consider particular actions to cope with the climate crisis if awareness of its causes and consequences is low or negligible? This is where the activist potential of climate ethnography has a significant impact. As mentioned by Crate (2011), the results of ethnographic field research conducted in the most endangered places contribute to raising awareness about the consequences of anthropopressure. This would not, by any means, involve lecturing misinformed or prejudiced people from the position of ‘a man of science’. Rather, I am referring to participatory actions to map out connections between ICH and climate change as well as the possibilities arising from the combined safeguarding of these two areas. As stated by Carla Roncoli (2006), identifying individual ways of understanding and processing information about visible changes in the local cultural landscape, which determine certain adaptation strategies, can help us cope with an uncertain future.
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