This article aims to understand how music mobilises emotional states among the Hamdouchiya1 Sufi order (tāriqa; pl. turuq) in Morocco. I highlight the aesthetic aspects present in Sufi ritual sessions, which are defined as relational activities. These rituals involve sensory interventions that influence how people respond to the world. This includes the sensory qualities of the music performed by the disciples (murīd; pl. murīdūn) during the rituals and the meanings that are evoked to promote mystical experiences. The capacity of this sensory perspective not only affects the bodies and actions of those who adhere to Sufism, but also organises a set of formal principles that guide the daily lives of the individuals.
Aesthetics, when incorporated and embodied by Sufis, evoke and perpetuate shared experiences, emotions and effects. Music2 plays a pivotal role in the process of self-imaging by its ability to convey feelings and emotions. Music serves as a medium through which imagination materialises and is experienced as ‘real’ through the transformation of the self, posing one of the challenges for the study of rituals.
The interest in aesthetics in the social and cultural sciences today signals an increasing awareness that the emergence and sustenance of social formations depend on styles that shape and connect individuals not only through cognitive imagination but also through moulding the senses and shaping bodies. Studies involving the anthropology of aesthetics have been associated with modernist ideas and linked to the notion of bourgeois art (Overing 1996). The inescapable aspect of a subject's being in the world, regardless of what they think or reflect upon in new situations or problems, establishes a dichotomy between emotion and reason that is constantly being updated through the ‘modern constitution’ (Latour 1993: 13–15).
The aesthetic is an embodied and embedded praxis that deals with our corporeal capability based on a power given in our psyche to perceive objects in the world via our five different sensory modes. Simultaneously, it is a specific combination of sensations (Meyer and Verrips 2008: 21–22). The process of socialisation, the production of moral values and the construction of identity heavily rely on aspects of a cultural aesthetic. In another sense, aesthetic experience within a particular culture is inevitably influenced by the process of socialisation. Consequently, what we share is a conceptual connection between aesthetics and morality. Aesthetics provides a culturally specific way of understanding the world, and as such, ‘offers participants in a society a model on which they can base their beliefs, behavior, and character’ (Flores Fratto 1986: 250). If this is true, then the processes of socialisation, morality and identity only constitute a portion of the various social phenomena that can be better understood through an analysis of aesthetic systems. These systems materialise a way of experiencing, bridging the gap between the rational, empirical world of material objects and the non-rational, subjective world of immediate experience.
First, aesthetics plays a crucial role in Sufi practice and belief. Anthropologists have studied the aesthetics of Sufi rituals and how they serve to create a sensory experience that transcends the mundane and draws practitioners closer to the divine (Abenante and Vicini 2017; Bartel 2022b). Second, the Sufi tradition places significant emphasis on the body as a vessel for spiritual transformation. This involves examining notions of embodiment, sensory perception and the role of physical discipline in achieving embodiment goals (Pinto 2006). Third, materiality in the Sufi tradition is viewed as a reflection of the divine and a means of transcending the material world. Anthropologists have investigated how Sufis interact with material objects and spaces in their rituals and daily lives, highlighting the spiritual significance attributed to them (Mittermaier 2011; Rytter 2014).
The concept of aesthetic perception cannot solely encompass a cognitive process that has often been disregarded as a qualitative or emotional response to experience. In this case, it is important to consider the criticism of the universal application of the Western, and particularly the leisure class's, concept of aesthetics as a disinterested attitude of appreciation (based on the Kantian model). Instead, placing this concept in its proper context involves recognising it as one among many diverse aesthetic systems that have emerged worldwide throughout history. For instance, understanding conceptual differences in body and sensory perception, as well as comparing the relative marginalisation of music and performance, through ethnographic observations can contribute to the advancement of anthropological studies on aesthetics. Indeed, the concept of aesthetic expression should incorporate the active and processual aspects of creative expression within an analytical framework that has predominantly focused on isolated expressive products or art objects (Sharman 1997). This perspective also allows for the consideration of aesthetic systems as a potential resolution to the structure and practice dilemma, which seeks to integrate creative practices into structural models.
Csordas (1994) discusses the intrinsic relationship between the self and experience, emphasising that certain aspects of cultural phenomena, such as the field of symbolism, cannot be properly understood through intellectualist approaches. According to him, language functions as a vehicle that enables the intersubjective expression of individual experiences, as the cultural principles embedded in language use serve as symbolic indicators of the bodily processes that constitute the experience itself. I agree that the vocabulary of experience develops and delineates the intellectual, sensory and emotional frameworks activated by individuals, providing the means to transform such experiences into public forms. Communicating and describing experiences allows for comparisons and inquiries based on the experiences of others or the normative principles of religious systems. Such a situation can be evidenced in the organisation of the musical sessions of the Hamdouchiya.
The language of music (Feld and Fox 1994) focuses on the predominance of aesthetic and technical discourses surrounding music. An important agenda for musical anthropology involves the reintegration of sophisticated cognitivist approaches with grounded social investigation. Indeed, the sociology of Islam and the psychological study of religion offer a wide range of approaches to explore the Sufi musical experience as a trancelike state. On one hand, the sociology of Islam provides accessible insights into this emerging field of inquiry, teaching and debate regarding self-expression. On the other hand, the psychological study of religion delves into individual experiences and various forms of religious encounters. Ultimately, the status and role of ethnomusicology regarding music as a social practice combine these discussions by considering the intricate concepts of musical value within the social and economic contexts of Islam. The outcomes of these discussions are connected to my ethnographic fieldwork, conducted between 2016 and 2017, focusing on places of worship in three Sufi lodges associated with the Hamdouchiya (Safi, Essaouira and Fez). The sample population size ranged from eight to 15 individuals in each city visited. I utilised my contacts and the knowledge I had accumulated from my previous research on the places of worship from 2012 to 2014. The profile of the participants included the following characteristics: age (adult), gender (mostly men), levels of education (upper-secondary education and the first stage of tertiary education) and social class (working-class and lower-middle-class).
The ethnographic research was conducted using a multisited approach (Hannerz 2003; Marcus 1995). The concept of multisited research aims to ‘follow’ individuals, connections, associations and relationships across distinct locations, as they are consistently connected but not geographically contiguous (Falzon 2015). This approach was chosen due to the translocal connections established by the interlocutors in various places of worship, as well as their local interactions within other aspects of social life (such as work, family and leisure). Direct observation involved immersing myself in vernacular life through informal conversations and structured interviews.
The dominance of vision and the social, epistemological and political processes that depend on it are complex, and are undermined as ethnographic evidence emerges from anthropological studies that prioritise non-visual modes of experience and focus on the analysis of cross-cultural studies.
The absence of the musical lexicon mobilised by the disciples in collective actions made it difficult to observe various aspects of mystical experiences and the ritual performances that constitute Sufi devotional forms (Bartel 2022a). Through this analytical method, I attempted to articulate the emotions at play during the everyday practice of the interlocutors, determining the aesthetic value and authenticity of a given performance – which ‘integrates our thought and their action’ (Bell 1992: 32) – in places of worship. Initially, I focused on correlating some aesthetic constructs (Farmer 1952), such as melodies (lāhn; pl. alhan), rhythms (iqā’ pl. iqā’at), notes (naghma; pl. naghamāt) or musical frequencies (Dārb; pl. durub), in conjunction with their performative qualities in Sufi rituals. However, I was unable to integrate these four elements (melodies, rhythms, notes, and musical frequencies) within the local cultural context. The importance of affects and emotions remains relevant since they have not been widely studied (Turner 2020).
The article aims to discuss two main issues. First, I propose to demonstrate the formal principles that underlie musical performance in contemporary Moroccan Sufism, trying not to reduce their meanings to a simple question of form. Additionally, it is relevant to consider the contextual aspect of the production of these meanings over the last few decades during Mohammed VI's government (1999–present).
Second, the devotional space located in the city of Safi, Morocco, is used as an example to justify the basis of the disciplinary process presupposed in the organisation and ritual existence of the disciples. Individual engagement proves decisive in the following situations: the desired devotional intention as a way of transforming moral devices and the constitution of interactional bonds routinised by ritual performances, highlighting the processes of submission developed by the subjects.
Contemporary Moroccan Sufism
Morocco has an ethnic and religious composition that includes an estimated population of over 36 million. In terms of ethnicity, Njoku (2006) indicates that most of the population in Morocco consists of Arabs (70 per cent) and Berbers (30 per cent). According to other sources, it is estimated that between 44 per cent and 67 per cent of residents are Arabs, while between 31 per cent and 41 per cent are Berbers (Britannica 2024; The Report 2012). Regarding religiosity, there is an overwhelmingly Muslim population, with a demographically insignificant presence of Jews and Christians (0.2 per cent and 1.1 per cent respectively). The population is predominantly affiliated with Sunni Islam (98.7 per cent) and represents a diverse range of actors within an expression of Islam (for example, Maliki is one of the four major schools of Islamic jurisprudence and is the predominant Sunni school in North Africa) that is dominant in the Maghreb region (which encompasses Morocco, Western Sahara, Algeria and Tunisia).
Sufism is characterised by values, ritual practices, doctrines and institutions that began early in Islamic history and represent the primary manifestation and the most important and central crystallisation of mystical practice in Islam. Moroccan Islam3 is a hybrid of Sufism and the belief that specific individuals, known as marabouts, possess a unique connection to Allah, allowing them to act as intermediaries and exert influence on the welfare of those they serve and their relatives. The Sufis arrived from the east around the fifteenth century and spread across the country, preaching a moderate form of Islam to uneducated farmers. Sufism has profoundly influenced Moroccan culture, holding symbolic importance in Moroccan society, and giving rise to various perceptions regarding its beliefs and forms of devotion (Abitbol 2009; El Haitami 2014; Waugh 2005). Nowadays, Sufi festivals,4 such as the Sufi Culture Festival in Fez, are held every year, attracting crowds from various parts of the world. Conferences hold great significance for Sufis, covering topics such as women in Sufism, Sufism and contemporary art, spirituality and human rights, and Sufism in life coaching (Dalle 2007). These activities fit into the promotional actions of Sufism as a symbol of the type of Islam practised in the country, subsidised by the country's monarchy.
Contemporary Moroccan Sufism cultivates music (practices, procedures and codifications of style) and performance as a process that encompasses the experiences and embodied aspects of musical actions (Ramnarine 2009) in rituals (ḥadra; pl. ḥadrāt) to explore the aspect of transcendence based on the cultural world view of the Sufis (Majdouli 2007; Maréchal and Dassetto 2014; Nabti 2010). These experiences result from the mobilisation of bodily techniques (such as dance and breathing movements) acquired through an initiation process, which includes a series of moral teachings and physical exercises carried out by participants in their private places of worship (zāwiya; pl. zāwiyat). One of the goals of the mystical experience is to develop the ability to focus and reflect on oneself. This involves cultivating a more immediate, dynamic and continuous self-awareness, which is integrated into ongoing interactions. The connection between the development of ritual actions and the incorporation of critical knowledge (reflexivity) into the daily lives of individuals is mediated by aesthetic aspects.
The ability to effectively manifest the cultural world view of contemporary Sufism in Morocco is crucial for exploring cultural aesthetic expression as a recreation of religious experience, where values are either reconstituted or transformed among its followers. If the anthropology of aesthetics prioritises the expressive process over the product, music and performance play a central role in rethinking the influence of religious states or mystical experiences in terms of style. Style can be understood as a ‘selection of elements from human experience and their reordering in new structures’ (Mills 1971: 72). In other words, both dimensions (music and performance) can contribute to a sense of repetition, the implications of innovation, and the emotional satisfaction of participation during the development of Sufi rituals.
Music and performance evoke emotions. They both involve the manipulation of the body itself and influence the performers’ perception of themselves and their surroundings (Sloboda and Van Zijl 2010; Turner 2020). The Hamdouchiya nurtures the physical and sensory aspects through rhythms and melodies, which represent the introspective elements of the ‘self’ – the existential aspect of subjectivity (Pinto 2006). Unlike various secular body models that prioritise their own aesthetic aspects, music and performance establish a unique connection between the advancement of Sufi ritual practices and the integration of critical knowledge (reflexivity) into the everyday lives of individuals.
The Hamadsha music and performance practised by the Hamdouchiya in Morocco is generally regarded as a popular religious practice, representing a form of Islam followed by the poor and less educated members of Moroccan society (Crapanzano 1973; Witulski 2019). This historical representation has been altered as participation in Sufi music festivals has offered increased public visibility to diverse groups across the country (Bartel 2022b).
The aesthetic aspects associated with the immaterial legacies remain a central element for the Sufi community under study. The music and performances represent a status inherited by Moroccan Sufism through the process of commoditisation, which involves manipulating tradition to create the capacity for object commensurability, like the qualities of money. In recent years, these new religious expressions have often been viewed as practices within revitalisation processes, labelled as cultural products, that have been recently constructed and supported by Moroccan government policies among other Sufi communities in the country (Dalle 2007; Darif 2010). This situation necessitates a reconsideration of the Sufis’ use of devotional practices in places of worship. The issues raised by this undoubtedly have an impact on how the community, which I have previously researched, manages intangible heritage, particularly in terms of musical expression. These dimensions (intangible heritage and Sufi rituals) can offer greater visibility in the public sphere through the inclusion of these forms in Sufi music festivals held in Morocco or Europe.
The monarchy seeks to endow mausoleums and Sufi shrines as ideals of religious tolerance, moderation and harmony, as expressed by the king. Sufi music can play a role in fostering social inclusion and providing economic opportunities by creating jobs and promoting local culture and products. For instance, the selection of musical and performance content (devotional practices such as reading poems or the remembrance of Allah) by the members of the Hamdouchiya contributes to the promotion of tourism in the country, as is the case with other groups (El Asri and Vuillemenot 2010; Nabti 2006). However, the organisation of and participation in the Sufi festival have given rise to various new debates among the disciples. Some Sufi lodges take advantage of this opportunity to showcase their traditions by negotiating aesthetic value within a favourable context, while others criticise the appropriation of their traditions for what they consider to be spurious reasons (Sapir 1924). These debates, occurring within places of worship, primarily revolve around the aesthetics of authenticity, not just as artistic expressions, but also as mediating practices that promote modern notions of self and society (Shannon 2006). This contrasts with concepts of sacredness and secularism observed in other Islamic contexts (Hirschkind 2006). Through my ethnographic experience, I have witnessed the permeability of boundaries between devotional and cultural endeavours emphasised by the observed Sufi community.
Ritual and Emotion
Ḥāl, Its Production in Ritual and Its Effects
After performing the sunset prayer (salāt al-magrib) in the courtyard, the disciples once again engaged in social interactions, such as conversations and the consumption of water, tea or sweets. Meanwhile, others prepared to play the percussion instruments5 (hārraz, tā’arija and tbāl) commonly found in various Moroccan brotherhoods, as well as the characteristic flutes (ghita6) of the Hamadsha musical style, to produce the ḥadra. These ritual activities were responsible for generating religious states (ḥāl; pl. awhāl) that were highly valued in the places of worship of the Hamdouchiya, thanks to the use of the Hamadsha musical style, which was considered an item of intangible heritage of the disciples and believed to lead to mystical experiences.
The virtue of acquiring knowledge about ḥāl was to transform it into a form of learning within the esoteric dimension (bātin), drawing it closer to the divine reality or truth (ḥaqiqa, ḥaqq), rather than merely reducing it to an exoteric dimension (zāhir) derived from the sensory perception of the material world. To achieve this objective, the creation of reflective narratives, following the ḥadra, structured the understanding that the esoteric dimension was a part of the new realities experienced by the disciples. This step was significant in guiding the moral subjectification process of the disciples, provided they could genuinely recognise and apply their newfound knowledge in their daily lives. Ibrahim (47 years old, salesman) stated, ‘If nobody experiences the desired ḥāl today, we will try again next week at the zāwiya. Ḥāl cannot be produced like [in] a factory pressing buttons. It is not something that can be willed into existence, but it is also not a result of chance. It is Allah who determines it. And when it does happen, it is truly fantastic.’
Gathered with all the disciples on the mats of the zāwiya, the flutists from Safi (Nabil, Tarik and Bichara) tuned their instruments and arranged a spare set of three double reeds made of straw, in case it was necessary to replace their main reeds, which had been chosen in advance. In front of them, some disciples freely rehearsed sound performances with percussion instruments (hārraz or tā’arija), adjusted the strings of the drum (tbāl) used for the day or simply set their cell phones to audio-recording mode (MP3) in a corner of the zāwiya, intending to listen to the ḥadrāt at home or share the recording with someone. In the presence of everyone, standing up, the ritual's opening took place either through the introduction of flute sounds by the musical master (mā’alem), which later required the entry of the percussionists, or through the rhythms provided by the drum conductor's drumsticks of the tbāl, who introduced his sound performance together with the disciples carrying the percussion instruments, until the entry of the flutists.
The Production of Ḥāl in ‘Cultural Performances’ through the Aesthetics of Ritual
The ḥadrāt lasted approximately one hour and included various rhythmic moments, primarily controlled by the musical master of the zāwiya, along with the other disciples. In this instance, it was his responsibility to set the tempo of the musical measures during the ritual, which culminated in the religious states. Overall, I noticed that there were between thirteen and eighteen followers who comprised the ‘core group’ of the Safi lodge. They were responsible for playing wind and percussion instruments, including three flutes, seven to nine larger drums (hārraz), two to four smaller drums (tā’arija) and one to two stringed drums (tbāl). The disciples achieved the ḥāl during the ḥadrāt by forming two rows in front of the flutists: the first row consisted of followers carrying the larger drum on their left shoulders, and the second row comprised disciples standing side by side, either holding hands or linking arms. However, it is important to note that the arrangement and bodily performance differed significantly throughout the ḥadrāt.
The disciples who used percussion instruments needed to initially follow the rhythms proposed by the musical master (mā’alem). Communication at this stage was accomplished through eye contact between the mā’alem and the disciples, as well as among the followers themselves, to establish harmony in the tempo of the musical beats. Additionally, a constant aim among the members of the Safi group was to ‘offer their best’ during these performances to justify their participation and presence in this ritual space. Abdelkader (39 years old, salesman) said, ‘It is important to maintain the rhythms. It is through them that my brothers and I can experience ḥāl in the zāwiya. But until then, it is necessary to pay attention to the mā’alem. Pay attention and continue to pay attention until understanding that this is fundamental for everyone.’
This practice of maintaining musical rhythms and engaging in a physical dialogue with the musical master, along with expressing the importance of solidarity towards others in the zāwiya through the concept of ‘moral sacrifice’ associated with performance, established a sense of religious autonomy among the individuals (Mahmood 2005: 5–10), extending to the moments of collective creation of the ḥāl.
The disciples who formed the back row of followers using percussion instruments were allowed to contemplate the music played by the flute players and percussionists, as well as to develop certain performances and physical expressions. United and holding hands, the disciples marked the musical rhythms by swaying their bodies, projecting their upper torsos forward and backward and tilting their heads to chest level. They also swayed their feet and stamped them on the ground, intending to emphasise that these movements were following the musical beats provided by the larger drums. Displaying solidarity with the disciples playing the instruments in the ḥadrāt was a highly valued quality among the followers, but it was not limited to individual cases, given the possibility of acquiring the ḥāl at some point. Hamid (50 years old, electrician) said, ‘It is an honour to participate in the zāwiya in the presence of my brothers. I feel content. When I'm not playing the hārraz or tā’arija, I like to join [form the row] with the others. But for that, the zāwiya needs people. The best thing is to see it filled with them.’
In this sense, even if the ḥāl was not the focus of the day for a disciple, it was their responsibility to foster states of enthusiasm and satisfaction among themselves and with others during these ritual moments.
Participating in the performances within these rows was viewed by the disciples as a means of inducing variations in their religious states. This occurred as the ritual approached its climax, facilitated by the continuous flow of coordinated musical beats conducted by the musical master. Thus, the constant repetition of homogeneous rhythmic patterns, at intervals of five to ten minutes, led to various ritual transitions contained in the ḥadrāt, culminating with the manifestation of the ḥāl. The smiles, frequent shoulder swaying and closed eyes during the execution of the musical rhythms, after the first 30 minutes of the ḥadrāt, were interpreted as bodily signs of the presence of the ḥāl among the disciples. However, rather than attempting to determine the representations of the mental state of individuals experiencing ecstasy, as previously problematised in some Islamic contexts (Lambek 1981), I chose to focus on the individual engagement (involving verbal or non-verbal language) provoked by the devotional practices of the disciples.
These accounts were available when the disciples narrated the transformative nature of their selves. In this context, alternative cultural frameworks may suggest more effective approaches to addressing the dimensional aspect of the ḥāl. If seen as a restructuring of the relationships of cognition and the individuals’ lived world (Gell 1980), the ḥāl can be understood as the result of techniques that would be profoundly important in the establishment and maintenance of the relationships in the construction of the ‘self’ with the world. In this sense, the ritual process analysed by Gell (ibid.: 226–227) was defined by the combination of body, movement, intention and the participation of individuals through the playful idea of a game, reinforcing the relationship between experience and intentionality.
The Debates on ‘Authenticity’
The eruption of emotions was related to the participation of individuals as an equivalent to individual and voluntary commitment – ‘engagement’, in my terms – of the followers through devotional practices mobilised within the daily life of the Hamdouchiya worship sites. However, the manifestation of ḥāl was not simply aimed at normalising the relationship of the ‘selves’ with the world. Thus, cognitive, emotional and practical dispositions, such as doctrinal concepts or bodily techniques, would be mobilised in the construction of mystical experiences based on the feelings and sensations induced by ritual performances.
This became relevant both to the devotional practices developed in places of worship and to the circuit of performances in Sufi music festivals involving Hamdouchiya disciples. For the zāwiya of Safi, the manifestation of the ḥāl could only occur in the devotional spaces of the brotherhood. In the cases of the zāwiya of Essaouira and the tā’ifa7 of Fez, both acknowledged the possibility of experiencing the ḥāl at some point during the Sufi music festivals. The concept of authenticity (‘asala), in relation to these public appearances, was not a part of the moral classifications held by these followers regarding the meanings and values that these experiences could encompass.
Sufis from Safi criticised other groups for their alleged misuse of money through devotional activities. For example, they attributed the performances of the leader (muqāddam)8 of Fez to the commercialising of traditions. They also criticised the sporadic production of financial resources that did not involve the participation of the followers, attributing it to conflicts within the ‘core group’ of Essaouira and the practice of selectivity by the local leader. In this sense, the use of inherited forms of Hamdouchiya (poetry and musical style) does not establish a rigid boundary between ‘culture’ and ‘religion’, although these topics have raised some controversy. For example, the presence of Sufism in the country's tourism scene is undeniable. Its current exposure and visibility have turned it into a ‘cultural product’ that is increasingly available for consumption by both Moroccans and foreigners. In this case, the aesthetic dimension has been essential for the creation and circulation of objects such as music, instruments, clothing and books. Commoditisation and the negotiation of tradition among the Hamdouchiya groups (Safi, Essaouira and Fez) have exhibited distinct patterns and meanings during their participation in Sufi music festivals.
Followers of the Safi group openly expressed ‘satisfaction’ when faced with organised ḥadrāt, acknowledging the divine power (baraka) in the zāwiya. They linked the sensory experience to maintaining an ‘empty mind’, disconnecting thoughts from daily challenges. This was a way of indicating that the manifestation of the ḥāl had occurred and had spread among them. The analogy of the ḥāl as a type of ‘medicine for the mind’ was repeatedly suggested as an effect caused by the musical dimension on the followers, while also explaining the continued visits to the zāwiya by non-Sufi individuals, especially men, and women living near the medina (historic urban centre) of Safi, who frequently attended the ḥadrāt. Driss (42 years old, salesman) stated that ‘Listening to the music of the ḥadra frees the mind from the problems of a stressful life, work and family. Throughout the week, we engage in discussions that evoke terrible feelings within us. That's why we have [Hamadsha] music. It brings us tranquillity.’
In this sense, initially, the attribution of a transformative character to individuals solely focused on the exoteric dimension (zāhir) of the Sufi experience, which emerges from the sensory perception of the material world, operates through the bodily effects derived from the sounds of the Hamadsha musical style.
It is important to highlight the effects of rhythms in Hamadsha music. In this sense, the musical dimension introduced a relationship between the body and sensory memory available to the followers. This characteristic of embodiment, that is, the attitude of our body in incorporating techniques and social devices and the creative vocation to invent and incorporate new and different expressive operative forms (Csordas 1990: 27–28), translated into the series of mobilised devices present in these ritual moments.
Moreover, if the construction of a common emotional resonance among the disciples expressed their degree of influence over the world, the division between argumentative, ritualistic and post-experiential planes became arbitrary because of the reflective capacity produced by the disciples through the musical dimension. While this situation may arise among the Sufis, the effort to maintain active musical harmony collectively also generated mechanisms of moral and ethical control. In this sense, the act of playing or rehearsing in the Hamadsha style was regarded as vital and consistent with the understanding and posture of each disciple situated within the organisational forms of the brotherhood's places of worship.
Conclusions
If music serves as a conduit for achieving ecstasy, then the transformative element within religious states justifies the ritualistic nature of Sufi sessions, even when considering the transient nature of their experiences and effects on individuals. This transformative state of Sufi religious experience (the levels of meaning encoded in ḥāl within the Hamdouchiya brotherhood) would approach the character of ecstasy contained in the Arabic term tarab, analysed by Shannon (2006) as a style of music and musical performance that evokes and arouses such emotional states in both performers and audiences. From this perspective, four elements are responsible for creating these experiences: the internal state evoked by the performer in their audience, the creation of an environment conducive to the emergence of these emotional states, the relationship of connection between the performer and their audience, and the benefits of spontaneity in conducting the music. The role of the musical master becomes relevant in this context. They are figures responsible for organising a religious environment capable of fostering the desired ḥāl among its participants, while also serving as mediators of the expressiveness of the Hamadsha musical style by conducting expected conventional forms and improvisational techniques.
Another way to complement all these questions is by asking people to retrospectively reflect on their music and performance attendance, similar to the experience of Hamdouchiya members in public Sufi festivals, which provides an account of remembered experiences rather than lived ones. In this case, Sloboda's research (Sloboda and Van Zijl 2010; Sloboda et al. 2016) investigates how people derive meaning from their memories of an arts event, contrasted with the sensations they experience during the event itself. Regarding music and performance, the ethnographic approach involves closely examining the cultural construction of emotion and the cross-cultural differences in the uses, purposes and meanings of aesthetic expression. This type of inquiry encompasses various performance genres, Sufi rituals, song lyrics, melodic modes and, most importantly, aesthetic criteria. The current expansion and emotional power of sounds and music as a means of symbolic representation seems to suggest that they can be a valuable source of social data. However, this potential has not yet been fully utilised as an efficient methodology, nor has it reached a critical mass of research (Bauer 2000).
To examine the role of musical experience in Sufi rituals, this theme is crucial nowadays. The marginalised position of music in the literature on emotions is associated with hidden internal states rather than with how people personally engage with their musical experiences. Since Blacking's works (1973, 1977, 1979), the relationship between emotion and body movements has been recognised as responsible for the social construction of reality among Sufi adepts, who are called to recognise themselves as subjects bound by ethical standards. Aesthetics (perception and expression) and ethics (religious orientation) are integrated. If we are to understand the ethical rules of a society, it is aesthetics that we should examine (Shannon 2012). In other words, this debate is divided into a sociological perspective, an ideological-cognitive perspective and an ethological-affective perspective (Bateson 1958; Emmerich 2021). Sufism, as a living and dynamic practice, offers the possibility to reflect on the boundaries of the mind, self and emotion, thus revealing the ritual construction of an individual's religious life. Musical performance points to the aesthetic codes that serve as cultural means of expressing transcendent aspects and the critical knowledge incorporated in rituals.
Acknowledgement
This study was funded by FAPERJ - Carlos Chagas Filho Foundation for Research Support of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Process SEI-260003/000211/2024.
Notes
The transliteration of Arabic words was done according to a simplified version of the transliteration system of the International Journal of Middle East Studies (IJMES). The terms ‘Hamdouchiya’ and ‘Hamadsha’ were the only exceptions among the Arabic words, due to their use in the French language by the interlocutors.
Nattiez (1990) proposes understanding music as a symbolic form consisting of three levels: the poietic level (composition), the immanent manifestation level (structural properties) and the aesthetic level (perception/sensation).
Eickelman (1976: 15–29) begins by offering an overview of the early development of Islam in Morocco, with a particular emphasis on the ‘maraboutic crisis’ spanning the fourteenth through the sixteenth centuries. Furthermore, he delves into the history and social characteristics of the Sherqawi Sufi order, which is the primary focus of the study, in pre-protectorate Morocco. This serves to illustrate both the cult of saints as a phenomenon and the evolving local nature of Islam in Morocco.
For an overview of these events, see Kapchan (2008) and Thibdeau (2023).
The hārraz is a vertical ceramic piece measuring 60 cm and featuring a covered opening coated with a sheepskin measuring 20 cm in diameter. Also known as darbuka, the tā’arija is a terracotta drum consisting of a vertical ceramic piece measuring 15 cm in height, with a covered opening coated with a sheepskin measuring 10 cm in diameter. The tbāl is a drum made of a vertical wooden piece measuring 40 cm, with two stretched sheepskin strips measuring 40 cm in diameter, tied with cords. Two wooden drumsticks of different shapes are used to produce sounds.
Also known as the zurna, this instrument resembles an oboe and is made of a 40 cm vertical wooden piece (typically made from an apricot tree). It features eight finger holes and an additional blowhole through which the player produces sound.
I understand this term as a group of disciples gathered around a leader. This is similar to the sense of organisation attributed by Trimingham (1971) to the existence of cults associated with the power emanating from a patron saint (wāli; pl. awāliya). In my ethnographic context, these gatherings took place in the houses of followers or of the leaders themselves.
In practical terms, the word muqāddam indicates the presence of individuals responsible for caring for the places of worship, as well as representing them during their religious festivities. Therefore, it refers to a figure of authority who oversees daily affairs. For example, they organise and direct the activities of the brotherhood and serve as mediators in disputes (Rabinow 1977).
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