Spiritual Healing Paradigms in Egypt

Spirituality and healing practices have deep historical roots, offering individuals remedies for physical, emotional and spiritual afflictions throughout human society's evolution. Egypt, renowned for its rich cultural and religious heritage, serves as a captivating backdrop for the examination of spiritual healing practices. Within Egypt, the convergence of spirituality and healing exhibits a distinctive character marked by an intricate interplay between practices that are categorised as traditional and ones that are categorised as modern (Mittermaier 2010). Within this context, a dichotomy emerges, distinguishing traditional healing practices, often perceived as antiquated and superstitious, from their more modern counterparts, comprehended as contemporary and popular. Religious, healthcare and educational institutions wield substantial influence in centralising and standardising these healing modalities, attempting to harmonise them with Islamic and Coptic tenets while simultaneously accommodating globalisation's influences. This creates a sense of adaptability of religious practices to the demands of the modern world. This nuanced perspective encourages us to shift beyond simplistic categorisations and acknowledge the coexistence of diverse belief systems within a unified spiritual landscape, which can be explained as hybridisation. Hybridisation in this regard is implicated through the mainstream rhetoric of what is considered ‘purely’ spiritual, cultural or religious. Spirituality in the region is far from a binary struggle between tradition and modernity, but rather a dynamic space where individuals navigate a complex web of beliefs that amalgamate traditional practices and contemporary influences (Deeb 2006). The hybridisation of what are believed to be modern and traditional spiritual healing practices also shows that there are no static binaries between the two categories; practitioners and seekers find a dialectical movement inside the structure and anti-structure binary (Turner 1996). The process of hybridisation is an amalgamation of these various elements, and through the ethnographic fieldwork and discourse analysis conducted, I seek to unpack these cultural and social constructions and assumptions about the modern and the traditional.

This article seeks to explore the intricate landscape of spiritual healing in contemporary Egypt, with a particular focus on the concept of spiritual hybridity and the discourses surrounding these practices. Its aim is to analyse the manifestation of hybridisation between elements categorised and dealt with as both mystical and modern in spiritual healing, to examine the discourses and their impact on perceptions, regulations and social interactions, and to investigate how these hybridised forms challenge or conform to established religious and cultural structures. The research employs a multidisciplinary approach that merges the fields of social anthropology and ethnographic fieldwork, discourse analysis, critical social theory, philosophy, psychoanalysis and cultural studies. To achieve these objectives, a range of qualitative research methods were utilised. These methods include ethnographic observations with a multisited reflexive-interpretive approach to interviews, participant observation, autoethnography and discursive textual analysis. Primary material was gathered over the course of more than a year through extensive ethnographic fieldwork conducted in various settings, encompassing both physical and online environments. The research also draws upon secondary sources, such as academic sources, government documents, legal frameworks and media coverage, and utilises discourse analysis to gain a broader understanding of the discursive formations shaping and surrounding spiritual healing in Egypt. By delving into diverse dimensions of spiritual healing and acknowledging the intricacies of cultural, economic and social factors and contexts, the article seeks to offer a comprehensive understanding and in-depth exploration of the dynamics and implications of spiritual healing practices in Egypt.

Methodology

Objects of Knowledge, Objects of Power, Objects of the State

Foucault's notion of objectification provides a lens through which we can understand the intricate relationship between the Egyptian state and its endeavour to mould individuals within its borders into subjects, ultimately making them objects of the state (see Foucault 1975, 1978, 1988, 1997; Althusser 1971, 2014; Hall 2001; Montag 1995). In Egypt, manners of objectification are evident not only in the dominance of ‘science’ and ‘the scientific’ over cultural or ‘magical’ elements, but also in the supremacy of Islam and Christianity. These doctrines are regarded as sciences of religion, dictating what can be learned, practised or believed. Islam, particularly influential in the country, elevates Islamic theology to the status of science, creating a conflict for those seeking spiritual and alternative healing. Even within Islam, debates persist regarding the perceived purity of textual forms of religiosity over non-authorised forms, such as Sufism (Geertz 1969; Gellner 1983; Asad 1986, 1993). Accusations are levelled against individuals who do not consider religion the sole scientific and religious solution to their problems. This conflict gains prominence when individuals explore spiritual and alternative practices, and in extreme cases, they may face excommunication, carrying legal and social consequences. The exercise of power extends beyond physical punishment to impact the soul, operating on moral and conceptual levels to shape behaviour and instil fear (Montag 1995). While individuals contribute to textual and discursive creation, regulations and limitations mould their belief systems. Governmentality, unlike repressive disciplinary methods, relies on the willing consent of governed actors. In the context of spirituality and belief, where knowledge plays a significant role, understanding and constructing knowledge and meaning occur through discourse (see Mauss 1973; Bowie 2000; Delaney and Kaspin 2017). Subjects become carriers of knowledge produced by hegemonic state-created discourses, compelling adherence to rules and regulations. In this sense, the condemnation, social ostracism and criminalisation of spiritual and alternative healing practitioners often stem from ordinary and everyday citizens themselves.

In alignment with modern politics, the state perceives behaviour, bodies and individuals as extensions of its central power. The meticulous supervision and control of everyday life and the regulation of social conduct, ideology and the body itself serve as tools of governance. Disciplinary regulation has shifted towards individualised and private tactics, viewing the body and self as arenas for the state's exercise of disciplinary power over its citizens (Gauthier and Martikainen 2013; Amster 2015). Micro-physics of power primarily target the body as techniques of regulation (Foucault 1997; Synnott and Howes 1992; Turner 2008). In Egypt, the government utilises educational, religious and social agents and entities operating outside direct state control to maintain cultural and social hegemony. Aadat wa takalid – customs and traditions, influenced by kinship, media and other entities – echo the same rhetoric and ideology regarding what is permitted or prohibited. Various discursive formations and apparatuses divide, classify and inscribe the body differently within their respective regimes of power and ‘truth’, identified in Egypt as customs and traditions (Hall 2001). Power dynamics and biopolitics reshape the subject's relationship with their body, transforming them into objects of power and knowledge. Additionally, separation and distinction strategies come into play, contributing to the societal division between the sane and the mad and between the law-abiding and the criminal.

The challenges encountered throughout this research journey illuminated and exhibited the hegemonic narratives and discourses based in customs and traditions and practised by ordinary people around spiritual and alternative healing practices in Egypt. They extended beyond academic considerations and delved into personal beliefs, societal expectations and misconceptions. Almost daily, I faced inquiries and questions from both academic colleagues and others with whom I discuss my fieldwork. They ranged from inquiries about my personal beliefs and experiences, such as ‘Do you genuinely believe in these practices?’ or ‘Have you tried them yourself?’ to requests for proof of efficacy or explanations of black magic. Dismissive remarks like ‘Isn't it all just placebo?’ or ‘You're wasting your time, effort and money’ were not uncommon. At times, the inquiries even extended to extreme accusations, such as questioning if I had abandoned my religion, engaged with malevolent spirits or made pacts with the devil. Criticisms were also directed towards my pursuit of an MA thesis on these matters, branding the practitioners as frauds and questioning the compatibility of pursuing such research as an educated individual. These confrontations highlight the dominant discourses, which relate to Ewing's (1990) concept of an ‘illusion of wholeness’, whereby consistency and conformity to cultural norms and expectations are prioritised over individuality.

Navigating the Crackdown: Magic as Dirt, Magic as Resistance

The Egyptian state, known as dawlet al-Azhar w al-Kenisa – the state of Al-Azhar and the church – confronts a challenging scenario. Certain practitioners are said to heal the body, mind and soul through unconventional, non-medical and non-prescriptive methods considered illegitimate by its standards and practised by individuals not endorsed by its institutions. In attempting to regulate and maintain order, the state faces disruption and the emergence of patterns from the disorder created by individuals engaging in alternative solutions, such as spiritual healing or the pursuit of foreknowledge, involving ritualistic aspects perceived as impure and dangerous (Douglas 2002). These rituals are deemed unclean based on actual and symbolic power structures, prompting authorities, institutions and individuals to purify this ‘dirt’ by portraying traditional spiritual healers as tricksters and charlatans. An example of power outside formal structures is the concept of baraka – blessing, representing spiritual power in contrast to witchcraft. Baraka, associated with the weak, lacks formal political or higher power institutionalisation; it exists and moves within societal segments (Mittermaier 2010, 2013). This informal power challenges societal segmentation and resides with ordinary people lacking religious or official positions but possessing spiritual strength, occupying the bottom of the social and power pyramid. In this context, spiritual healing practices and alternative modalities serve as forms of resistance against dominant power structures and their regulations; practitioners persist in their work, and individuals continue to seek their services. This offers avenues for well-being and healing outside established institutions and belief systems.

In the Global North, alternative healing practices often face disapproval from strictly medical and scientific institutions, which categorise them as pseudoscientific methods linked to placebo effects (Manderson et al. 2016). Although these practices are seldom integrated into publicly funded healthcare, practitioners of non-orthodox methods and teachings are not criminalised. In contrast, the situation in Egypt extends beyond disapproval, with the government, along with religious and medical institutions, actively cracking down on practitioners and practices associated with alternative healing. Although there is no official law against practising alternative healing, practitioners, especially those associated with methods categorised as traditional, are convicted and threatened with charges of being ‘in contempt of religion’ and ‘fraud’ (see Peters 1988; Schank 2014). The Egyptian government utilises vague laws, which allows them to imprison practitioners and seize their money. By imprisoning alternative healers, who are convicted as charlatans and fraudsters, the authorities claim to be protecting society from ‘disorder’. These efforts instil fear and suspicion of alternative healing among the general population, leading to the assumption that these services are illegal.

Religion significantly shapes Egypt's legal landscape. Article 2 of the Egyptian constitution states the principles of Islamic law (Sharia) and situates it as the principal source of legislation (Lombardi 1998, 2006). In this regard, the Islamic institution Al-Azhar plays a significantly influential role and there exists a close relationship between it and the Egyptian government. Al-Azhar aims to maintain institutional autonomy and uphold its respected status. It acts as the pre-eminent interpreter of Islamic texts and traditions while safeguarding and promoting Islam (Moustafa 2000). With this positioning of Islamic law and the Egyptian state's perspective on ‘traditional’ forms of knowledge, these forms of knowledge are deemed inefficient, backward and sinful, and in some cases criminal. Article 98 (f) of the Egyptian penal code covers contempt of religion – izdira’ al-din. It has been in place since 1982 and was initially implemented to counter secularism after the assassination of al-Sadat by an Islamist militant. Since the 2011 uprising, Article 98 (f) has expanded the state's ability to regulate speech, transforming it into an ever-expanding tool for prosecution (Culang 2018). The lack of transparency regarding the implementation of this law has shifted its purpose from being an anti-blasphemy rule to being an instrument of prosecution. High-profile cases have emerged, with individuals being targeted and sentenced under Article 98 (f), including Christian students, renowned writer Fatma Naaout and TV presenter Islam El-Beheiry (Barsoum 2016). The intertwined relation between the Egyptian government and its laws and Al-Azhar solidifies the dominance of a particular perspective, deeming practitioners both unlawful and immoral with regard to social norms. The government's crackdown on practitioners and their services is rooted in the perceived impurity and danger associated with ritualistic aspects, the unregulated economy and the state's desire to maintain control and cultural hegemony.

Money plays a crucial role in the government's crackdown; profits generated through illicit trade or unregulated services are seen as unsanctioned and considered part of the illicit economy (Roitman 2004). When financial profit is deemed to be earned through unregulated means, the practitioner can fall under the crime of fraud as stated in Article 336 of the Egyptian Penal Code.¹ The article states that perpetrators can face imprisonment for up to three years with labour and enforceability. However, during the fieldwork conducted it was evident that practitioners often find ways to legalise and formalise their businesses, operating within a grey area of the economy by licensing their practices and venues under different purposes such as sports consultancies and human development institutions. This suggests a contradiction between the mainstream Egyptian hegemonic culture's perspective and law enforcement tactics. The system allows practitioners offering more ‘modern’ and fashionable services to operate within the economy, albeit in a concealed manner that places them in recognisable and legitimising categories of business.

Hiding in Plain Sight: Unveiling Hegemonic Media

Within the realm of spiritual practices, accusations of fraud and imprisonment loom over practitioners, particularly those labelled ‘traditional’. While alternative healing practices are not explicitly criminalised, the accusations of contempt of religion and fraud exemplify how crackdowns on spiritual healers occur directly and indirectly. Furthermore, there is a growing call for formalised laws against practitioners offering services deemed sorcerous. An article titled ‘A Penalty That Can Reach the Death Sentence … a Parliamentarian Unveils a Bill to Prosecute Quacks’, published on the Egyptian news web portal Masrawy.com, exemplifies this sentiment. Written by Ahmed Ali (2018), the article reports on a Member of Parliament, Mumtaz Al-Desouki, urging the Prime Minister to impose severe penalties for acts of charlatanry and sorcery. Al-Desouki emphasises that authorities can only charge individuals of fraud and extortion, as tangible evidence regarding witchcraft is invisible. Thus, catching fraudsters in the act becomes the primary means of prosecution. Al-Desouki intends to submit a bill to increase punishment for acts of charlatanry and sorcery and proposes security campaigns to apprehend witches. The discourses surrounding traditional healing practices is evident in how the author of the article characterises seekers as ‘the most vulnerable’ and portrays these practices as hindering societal progress. The author further suggests that legislation targeting traditional healing practices is most necessary in rural areas and Upper Egypt, implying not only a geographical and class-based divide, but also a hierarchy that favours Western medicine as ‘verified’ and ‘legitimate’. These perceptions reflect the views of the media and government officials regarding various healing modalities and their clients, reinforcing binary distinctions and perpetuating biases against traditional practices and their seekers.

I encountered more than 30 newspaper articles on the imprisonment of individuals for practicing different spiritual modalities and framing them as ‘Sheikhs’, exposing the pervasive use and misuse of the term ‘Sheikh’ in the media. Its problematic nature arises from its exclusive association with Islamic religious guides, while the media applies it, along with its feminine counterpart ‘Sheikha’, to describe individuals deemed fraudulent. One particularly striking title, penned by Mohamed Ibrahim and published by Al-Youm Al-Sabea in 2018, reads: ‘The Fall of “Sheikh Kirolos” after Making a Fortune of 18 Million Pounds from Quackery’ (Ibrahim 2018). This title encompasses multiple layers of meaning. Chronologically, the metaphor of ‘falling’ portrays Kirolos, labelled a charlatan, as having held a prominent position in his business, profiting greatly from deceit. However, the government's actions led to his downfall. The decision to refer to him as ‘El Sheikh Kirolos’ introduces further complexity. On one hand, ‘El Sheikh’ is a Muslim title primarily reserved for religious figures associated with Al-Azhar. Thus, using it to describe a Christian individual deemed a charlatan is problematic in any context. However, the hegemonic culture, and subsequently the media, labels spiritual healers ‘Sheikhs’. The article claims that Kirolos is known as ‘El Sheikh Kirolos’. The writer uses quotation marks to imply sarcasm, employing popular culture and stylistic devices to belittle Kirolos, reducing his social status among customers and his social circle. The title continues with the phrase ‘after making a fortune of 18 million pounds from quackery’, highlighting the significant amount of money Kirolos amassed and the trust his clients placed in him. The writer refers to his practices as ‘quackery’, reflecting the perspective of external entities such as the media, government and religious figures who dismiss these methods as deceitful. This aligns with Van Dijk's (2001, 2015) concepts of headlines and leads, which aim to capture readers’ attention through exaggerated or sensationalised language. The deliberate choice of wording in the title, such as ‘El Sheikh’, using quotation marks and stating the precise amount of money involved, serves to grab readers’ attention.

This particular article is part of the broader media coverage of the government's crackdown, arrests and the subsequent fall from grace of several self-proclaimed spiritual healers, often labelled charlatans. These news reports effectively foster a sense of otherness. They create divisions not only between the government officials responsible for these operations and the individuals perceived as guilty, but also between those in positions of authority and the readers themselves. The act of othering spiritual healers, as perpetuated by both the media and the government, aligns with the framework of the ideological square and contributes to social divisions. This binary construct hinges on the portrayal of government actions as righteous while painting the practitioners and seekers as wicked (Van Dijk 2015). The language used in these articles is carefully chosen to mitigate or downplay the often negative and occasionally violent actions of state representatives, as seen in Van Dijk's analysis of passive sentence structures and normalisations. Additionally, the emphasis on the Public Funds Investigation Department's role in capturing Kirolos is intriguing. It highlights the government's appropriation of Kirolos's funds as part of the national public assets. This normalisation of the government's actions, even in the case of individuals offering unconventional or unlicensed healing methods, perpetuates the divide. The article's overall presentation, including its layout and lexical choices, contributes to negative assumptions about Kirolos and his actions while simultaneously fostering positive assumptions about the government and its officials. Additionally, Kirolos is portrayed as an individual who manipulates and swindles victims to extract their money. Social semiotics unveil typographic expressions, such as ‘deceived’ and ‘seduced’, used to describe his clients and to imply a distinction between the morally upright General Aly Soltan, who apprehended him, the cunning Kirolos and his vulnerable and gullible patients. Furthermore, the article employs specific lexical choices that draw a contrast between legalised procedures and the forged certificates attributed to the accused. The article also utilises implications and presuppositions, stating facts that may not necessarily be true, to underscore the societal issue at hand. For instance, the article asserts that Kirolos deceived citizens in all Arab countries, a logical impossibility. Moreover, it places the Public Funds Investigation Department at the centre of Kirolos's downfall, indicating that when spiritual healers are prosecuted, they typically face fraud charges.

The crackdown on spiritual healers places them in a precarious, marginalised position, which consequently affects those who seek their services. Not only do seekers have a relationship with these healers, to some extent depending on them, but they also face the absence of public welfare. One of the primary reasons for social and medical afflictions in Egyptian society is the state's failure to provide adequate public welfare, including medical and financial assistance. Egyptians seek traditional spiritual healing practices, perceived as magical, to address social afflictions caused by the country's deteriorating economic status and hyperinflation. Fortune-telling, another category of practice, is also driven by adverse circumstances. People turn to fortune-tellers in times of uncertainty, seeking answers and alleviating anxiety. However, the Egyptian state views fortune-tellers as illicit actors and fraudsters. Both practitioners and clients often belong to marginalised groups, particularly if their afflictions are rooted in unfortunate social or financial statuses resulting from sociopolitical structures.

Practitioners: Permitted or Prohibited

‘It is ignorant’, stated one of my interlocutors, a pious religious Muslim. When I mentioned that many of the seekers and practitioners I spoke with were well educated and held professional positions, she responded, ‘Do you think I'm talking about their ignorance of the world? They are ignorant of their religion.’ This response highlighted the perception that these modalities are not only trivial but also associated with individuals lacking faith. It is worth noting that during sessions and in their marketing efforts, practitioners often incorporate religious discourses to make their practices more relatable to the public who may dismiss them. Intrigued by Islam's view on the matter, I reached out to Al-Azhar's Dar Al Ifta, a prominent advisory institution on Islamic matters. When I asked about energy healing, the Sheikh's reaction was confused. However, when I inquired about practising yoga, which is more widely recognised, he responded, ‘Yoga is fine as an exercise, as long as you do not believe in it.’

The notion of multiple modernities challenges the contrasting ideas of modernity and its presumed linearity (Taylor 2002). While some perceive modernity as a category reserved for developed first-world countries, different communities have their own unique forms of modernity that align with their specific contextual, temporal and spatial circumstances. Some spiritual healing practices are considered modern, such as yoga, while others, like spells and incantations, are viewed as primitive or traditional. The concept of multiple modernities facilitates an analysis of the hybridisation of the primitive and the modern. These seemingly robust renditions of spirituality are constantly negotiated and reworked through people's individual spiritual practices as well as the institutional practices that they adopt. In Egypt, the ideological and repressive state apparatus continues to govern society and enforce laws. However, there is still some space for popular practices among seekers and practitioners, albeit within certain boundaries. The subject is shaped by discourses, serving as the carrier of knowledge produced by those discourses, and adhering to rules and conventions. In the twenty-first century, there have been slight changes in state structures, influenced by globalisation and neoliberalism, which have empowered new forms of spiritual activity in the realm of welfare production. Similar transformations have been observed in Western contexts, where historical churches and religious administrations undergo changes due to societal shifts, leading to the emergence of new religious forms (Gauthier and Martikainen 2013). These changes have also affected Egypt, with the emergence of more cosmopolitan and trendy healing modalities and spiritual lifestyles.

One of the most popular practices in Egypt today is mindfulness, often associated with yoga and meditation. Mindfulness is portrayed as a desirable goal for modern individuals, featured in various contexts and advertisements. For instance, massive billboards along highways display a silhouette of a woman in a yoga or meditation pose, promoting a residential compound named Ajna, meaning the third eye in Sanskrit. While this concept and its South Asian origins may be unfamiliar to many Egyptians, the use of such elements in artistic direction and marketing strategies by luxurious and upper-class real estate compounds reflects a more cosmopolitan aesthetic. When discussing how people perceive her and her practice, Celine, a crystal healer, shared her experience, which resonated with that of many others I interviewed. Celine noted that in the past, most people believed that what she and other practitioners were doing was ineffective. However, as time went on, they witnessed the positive impact of these modalities in helping others recover from psychological and physical ailments. Furthermore, the global popularity of her modality added to her legitimacy and popularity among different individuals. However, while some people view energy healing as an effective form of healing, others hold a negative perspective. These experiences and encounters unravel the long-standing contention revolving around the scientific validity of modern medicine versus the absence of proven causality in spiritual healing. They also show how, in Egypt, this binary is reflected in the perception that alternative traditional healing practices are pursued by illiterate and backward individuals who seek the services of imposters, charlatans and fraudsters. While alternative healing has gained global popularity despite lacking scientific validation, in the Arab context, it remains stigmatised and even criminalised. Despite an increasing number of individuals turning to and trusting spiritual and alternative healing in modern times, a significant portion of Egyptian society still regards these modalities and practices as invalid.

Conclusion