Transnational Nationalists

Far-Right Encounters in Contemporary Europe

in Ethnologia Europaea
Author:
Agnieszka Pasieka Assistant Professor, University of Montréal, Canada agnieszka.pasieka@umontreal.ca

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Abstract

Drawing on ethnographic research among European far-right youth movements, my article contributes to our understanding of the transnational dimension of nationalist activism and politics. In order to investigate this phenomenon, I tell a story of an event attended by Polish and Italian activists and analyse different modes of translation of ideas and practices that the studied movements engage in. In connecting the focus on translation with that of transnational networking, my article makes two main claims. First, it demonstrates that a transnational perspective is critical for an understanding of the contemporary far right. Second, it shows the ways in which the study of far-right transnationalism may contribute to broader research on transnationalism in social sciences.

Despite the late hour and exhaustion from an eventful weekend, the young people gathered in a small apartment in Gdańsk seem to be very alert and energetic. Sipping cheap wine and taking bites of delivered pizza, they discuss a variety of themes, comparing the situations in Italy and Poland, the two countries they represent. They talk about migration policies; the situation of youth on the labour market and unemployment rates; clashes between “pro-life” and “pro-choice” associations in their respective countries – in short, the topics that young people anywhere might be discussing. What makes this gathering distinctive is the fact that its participants are members of two far-right1 movements and that they speak, interchangeably, in three different languages: English, Italian, and Polish. The two movements have long-established relations, and they strive to cultivate them by paying mutual visits and participating in various events they occasionally organise.

This time, a few Italian activists of New Force (Forza Nuova, FN) are in town for the anniversary celebration of the establishment of the Polish movement, National Radical Camp (Obóz Narodowo-Radykalny, ONR). Emilio, the head of one of the regional chapters in southern Italy, feels at home in Poland by now. He has made “far-right diplomacy” his second job, and his Facebook profile is filled with pictures documenting visits to numerous European countries and many kindred far-right groups (he is a barista in his day job). His close collaborator and the head of a different regional chapter, Nevio, travels less and does not hesitate to admit that he came to Poland hoping, yes, to meet far-right comrades, but also Polish girls whose political outlooks seem to matter less to him. When I hear the sexist comments he occasionally makes, I look at Monika, a timid member of the Polish group and the only female activist present. She does not seem to be bothered by these comments or pretends not to hear them. Apart from Monika, the Polish militants are represented by Staszek, a university student and activist with many years of service to the association, who eagerly engages in intellectual discussions, and Ulryk, a local of Gdańsk who works as a tourist guide and, as he himself states, realises his Polish nationalist mission by making money on German tourists.2

It is well beyond midnight, and I have the feeling that the ambience is becoming gloomier. It must be tiredness, I think, trying to answer occasional questions directed towards me and listening to several conversations at once, those carried out among the main cluster of people gathered in the centre of the room and those held in the wings, Italians decrying the quality of the Polish pizza and Poles rolling their eyes when hearing yet another comment about “beautiful Slavic girls”. I am also asked to help with translation anytime the Polish‒Italian conversation occurring in English hits a wall, when English equivalents of words like poczęcie (conception) or casa occupata (squat) slip someone's mind. At a certain point, Emilio asks Staszek about regional partnerships and, as he puts it, “the prospects of building a new Europe”, an issue at the heart of present-day far-right rhetoric. “So who are you cooperating with at the moment?” he inquires. Staszek is quick to respond, providing a list of the countries that are in his view still “sane” and as such merit becoming a part of a new European alliance. This entails giving a bit of a lesson in history and geography or, perhaps more accurately, explaining the background of certain regional peculiarities: What is Poland's “problem” with Russia? Why is cooperation with Germans still so hard for Poles?3 What is happening in neighbouring Slovakia? But first of all, he asserts, speaking in English, “We need to look at Hungary. Hungary,” he continues, “they have a plan for all of us. To me, Hungary is at the moment the source of most . . . most . . . ” He pauses for a moment and then looks in my direction, asking me to help with translation. I translate what he has said and add at the end, hesitatingly, hoping to help him complete his thought, “inspiration?” I immediately felt strange about that one added word (fieldnotes, 15 April 2018).

The transnational dimension of far-right activism and politics has recently been attracting attention from scholars and public commentators, who more often than not assess it as a threat to the liberal democratic order, as well as a somewhat surprising development, given the nationalistic agendas of the actors in question.4 This article contributes to an understanding of this phenomenon by providing ethnographic insights into far-right actions aimed at promoting activism at a new scale that at once moves beyond the national context and yet remains strongly embedded in it. I define this phenomenon as transnational nationalism, a political framework in which the transnational and the national are mutually constituted and transformed. In investigating its dynamics, I focus on different modes of “translation” and adoption of ideas and practices (as well as their limits) among far-right nationalist youth movements in Central Europe. In focusing on the interactions among my research participants, I also consider my own role as an ethnographer and a translator, with the latter referring both to my factual role as a translator and to my efforts to translate my research data and my own ideas into a scholarly contribution.

This article also engages with discussions within anthropology on how to fairly represent claims and actions one disagrees with. While such questions are no doubt particularly pronounced in a study of the far right, they illustrate a problem most ethnographers face to a greater or lesser degree. In making this point, I aim to highlight the necessity of finding a middle ground in anthropological discussions on the ethical and methodological difficulties one encounters when conducting fieldwork with “difficult subjects”: that is, not to avoid the very salient questions of representation, distance, and responsibility, but at the same time to make sure that addressing these questions does not lead to ethnographic navel gazing or a refusal to engage with certain groups or individuals for fear of finding oneself accused of being somehow “compromised”.

My argument thus has two main points. The first regards the importance of ethnographic research for an understanding of transnational nationalists and the processes of translation that occur when they navigate the various dimensions of their activism. I use the term “translation” both in its most common usage – as a way of taking expressions and ideas rendered in one language and making them understandable in another – and in its more specifically social-scientific usage, that is, to describe the processes through which ideas and practices originating in a certain (linguistic/cultural) context are rendered meaningful and adapted in a different one (Merry 2006). In doing so, I also engage with the problem of the (non-)translatability of certain ideas and practices. Moreover, in analysing far-right activists’ attempts at translating between national and global agendas, I show the necessity to recognise that far-right transnational activities are not necessarily different from other forms of political and social activism.

In turn, the second point of my argument relates to the contribution of ethnographic investigations of far-right movements to our understanding of transnationalism. I suggest that transnational relations of my research participants may help us to rethink the prevailing approaches to transnationalism in social sciences, which tend to undermine the power of “the national” and to ignore “the social” (Glick Schiller 1997, 2005; Green 2019). My study demonstrates the continuous importance of nation-states in both constraining and enabling social actors operating within the transnational field, and foregrounds a focus on social relations and social interactions as key to understand transnational processes. On the one hand, studies of transnationalism cannot but “call attention to the nation” (Green 2019: loc 642) and cannot but display the manifold ways in which the nation as an idea and the nation(state) as a set of structural conditions shape transnational activists’ pathways. I thus show how the idea and the reality of the nation-state impinge on activists’ imaginaries, prompt particular agendas, and determine opportunities for networking. On the other hand, studies of transnationalism need to move beyond the ethnic/national lens and recognise various potential forms of “incorporation” and belonging into a transnational network (Glick Schiller and Çağlar 2006). Such a “beyond-national-lens” focus allows us to draw a more complete picture of transnational fields and it enables us to question the opposition between the cosmopolitan (“transnationally conscious”) elites and other groups, usually represented by labour migrants and refugees, who are supposedly incapable of fully embracing the transnational (see Werbner 1999).

Far-right nationalists I have been studying draw on universalist agendas. As evident in my introductory vignette, they move beyond their national networks and mobilise other identities as Christians, Europeans, far-right activists. I thus argue that not only can we conceive of far-right nationalists as agents of transnationalism, but that their activism and discourses may help us to better understand the interplay of the local/national and transnational. Before providing more ethnographic evidence on this process, in the following I situate my study within the broader field of transnational studies.

Trouble with transnationalism

My research contributes to the growing scholarship on the international dimensions of the contemporary far right. Two points of reference are of particular importance. The first is the burgeoning research on the alliances between radical right-wing parties, which provides important clues as to motivation behind cooperation (Almeida 2010; Rydgren 2007) and the interplay of cultural and economic factors shaping their agendas (Halikiopoulou and Vlandas 2019). In turn, my study contributes an investigation of the radical right milieus around political parties.5 The second is the anthropological scholarship on how the specific European context shapes the rise of the far right there, especially the works addressing the role of the EU (Buzalka 2021; Gingrich and Banks 2006; Holmes 2000; Kalb and Halmai 2011) and the adoption of the idea of “European culture” by the far right (Stolcke 1995; Thorleifsson 2019). Drawing on these works, my study brings new insights into the role of the young generation of far-right activists in reimagining Europe's future.

These studies also constitute a good point of departure for a discussion of the problems with adopting a transnational perspective. As historians studying the far right have been pointing out, while claiming to be conducting transnational research, many analysts are actually doing comparative rather than transnational studies or, conversely, they are so focused on the transnational dimension that they lose sight of particular national contexts (Finchelstein 2010; Mammone 2015). Research carried out by political scientists and sociologists reveals a similar tendency to do comparative research on far-right parties in different countries, taking into account similarities and differences in electoral agendas or voters’ profiles, but not necessarily actual exchanges and connections between them. Notable exceptions to these trends include analyses of exchanges via the internet (Caiani and Kroel 2015), studies of shared symbols and “visual dialogues” (Doerr 2017), and investigations into the sharing of fascist ideology (Bauernkämper and Rossoliński-Liebe 2017). While I recognise the importance of investigations into ideologies, I believe that they need to be complemented by investigations into the exchanges of ways of acting that place actors at the centre of the analysis, just as studies of the circulation of images, texts, and symbols need to be complemented by a focus on what people do with them and how they experience them (Glick Schiller 1997: 156).

It is certainly not surprising that an anthropologist would want to place acting subjects at the heart of the analysis, and one would probably expect anthropological and other qualitatively oriented studies of transnationalism to achieve that. Still, far-right activists are reluctantly seen as transnational agents. The vast majority of anthropological and sociological studies of transnationalism are centred around the issue of migration and diasporas (e.g., Bauböck and Faist 2010; Glick Schiller et al. 1995; Portes et al. 1999; Vertovec 2009). I dare say there is even a certain taken-for-grantedness of the nexus between transnationalism and migration, as the titles of publications explicitly addressing the issue of transnationalism often do not even specify what aspect of transnationalism they address or whose “transnational lives” or “transnational communities” are to be discussed (e.g., Portes et al. 1999). Moreover, agents of such transnational processes are usually “likeable” (Howe 2002; Piper and Withers 2018) and transnational circulations tend to be perceived as an affirmation of “good” human agency and individual power (Green 2019). This is not to say that scholars studying far-right militants cannot draw on the approaches developed by migration studies: concepts such as “transnational social field” (Levitt and Glick Schiller 2004;), the question of “scale” (Çağlar 2006; Xiang 2013), or the focus on power relations (Glick Schiller 2005). Each can be productively brought into far-right research.

Likewise, the growing number of studies on transnational social movements and transnational alliances of various grassroots initiatives working in the fields of environmentalism, human rights, feminism, and indigenous rights (e.g., Juris 2008; Keck and Sikkink 1998) are very inspiring. However, most of these studies focus on the “liberal” and “progressive” face of transnationalism, with its authors often positioning themselves as militants–anthropologists (e.g., Juris and Khasnabish 2013). Although scholars have been emphasising the necessity to broaden the focus to include less “sympathetic” actors (Edelman 2001; Escobar 1992), studies of this sort are still scarce. Brought together, these two main foci – on migration and (specific) social movements – exemplify a problematic aspect of the studies on transnationalism; whether studying past or present-day developments, they tend to focus on “desirable” or at least “sympathetic” mobility. This may come as surprising given that transnationalism clearly is implicated in studies of more unsavoury activities such as drug smuggling, human trafficking, and organised crime. Not only are accounts on various “dark sides” of transnational networking less numerous, but they often assume that cooperation and exchange in the case of “illiberal” actors have a different logic, spring from different motivations, and have different implications.6

A transnational ethnography of the far right of the type I am advocating here enables us to address these shortcomings not necessarily by providing the “missing” accounts of the “dark side,” but rather by problematising the assumptions that have led to defining far-right transnationalism as the “dark side” in the first place, and by inquiring into similarities and differences in the actions and motivations of different transnational actors. Research on the “unusual” protagonists of transnationalism may constitute an important contribution to an anthropology of transnationalism, both broadening its scope and demonstrating its relevance for social theory at large (Dahinden 2017). As I show below, a commitment to caring for their national communities combined with the simultaneous desire to network with like-minded movements in other countries make far-right actors a particularly interesting case study that offers an opportunity to better understand the tensions between “local” and “translocal” influences and operations.

My work thus paves the way for theorising the phenomenon of “transnational nationalism.” Scholars of migration have reached for this term to describe nationalist agendas of diaspora communities and migrants’ multiple belongings (Lune 2020; Roudometof 2000). Scholars of the far right have used it when analysing global(ising) right-wing network and the deployment of “global” symbols for nationalist goals (Miller-Idriss 2018). I aim to propose a somewhat different understanding, which originates from ethnographic knowledge yet allows us to emphasise the phenomenon's historicity. In my introductory vignette, we could see two groups of nationalist activists evoking fellow militants from other countries and exchanging knowledge. Their face-to-face encounter thereby contributes to the creation and sustenance of a transnational nationalist field and simultaneously aims at strengthening respective nationalist movements; and, while respective nationalist agendas co-create the transnational field, the transnational dimension impacts on the national(ist) one. In aiming to highlight the dynamics of transnationalism, I propose to define “transnational nationalism” as a political orientation/framework – meaning both professed ideas and attachments and undertaken actions – in which the transnational and the national are mutually constitutive. Furthermore, in aiming to foreground the social in transnationalism, I demonstrate that our key focus needs to be agents of transnationalism and ideas and practices they engage.

Who are Transnational Nationalists (and why do we know so little about them)?

I have argued above that an ethnography of transnational far-right may enrich studies of transnationalism. By the same token, research on the transnational far-right might help us remove the aura of exoticism and marginality that characterises some of the anthropological research on the far-right. A growing number of anthropological studies on far-right activists have led to lively discussions that highlight the problem of the anthropological bias, which translates into a reluctance to engage with the far right (Buzalka 2021; Cammelli 2015; Holmes 2019; Pasieka 2019; Shoshan 2016; Teitelbaum 2019). However, this discussion has been hindered by its disciplinary boundedness: while until recently ethnographic work on the subject has indeed been scarce within anthropology (Gusterson 2017), there is a rich body of ethnographic work from qualitative sociologists (e.g., Bizeul 2003; Blee 2002; Ezekiel [1995] 1996; Fangen 1999; Pilkington 2016). All these works show that ethnographic research can be done without compromising one's convictions or falling into the empathy‒sympathy trap. And, in providing a nuanced knowledge on far-right actors’ backgrounds and motivations, they allow us to better comprehend the frail boundary between the far right and the “rest” of society (Gusterson 2017, 2021).

This has been the approach of my own work. Since 2016 I have been travelling across Central Europe, attending various events at which activists and followers of far-right movements exchange ideas, craft new agendas, and establish networks. I understand networks as patterns of connections in social relations, established and maintained by individuals and groups. I use the concept to emphasise that transnational relations between studied far-right activists mean more than casual meetings and random exchanges. Following Nina Glick Schiller (e.g., 2005), I understand the transnational social fields as networks of networks that stretch across the borders of nation-states. In studying such exchanges, my project focuses on four movements: two Italian, one Polish, and one Hungarian, all of them youth-based and of nationalist orientation. What distinguishes them is the fact that the two Italian organisations, Forza Nuova and Lealtà Azione, draw explicitly on fascist legacies, emphasising their commitment to popolo and nazione; the Polish movement, ONR, highlights the idea of the “Catholic nation”; and the Hungarian one, HVIM, is not only nationalistic but revisionist in that it calls for the restoration of “the Greater Hungary”, that is, the territories lost by Hungary after the First World War. The picture of their transnational networking is complex and variable: the Polish group cooperates with all three other movements; one of the Italian movements used to cooperate with the Hungarians but has ceased to do so due to a personal conflict; the two Italian groups generally compete but support each other when necessary. Respective groups maintain contacts in other countries, but the networks I have been studying appear to be successful and durable. I have been following my research participants’ suggestions, learning from them whom they consider important and whom they are planning to meet and, last but not least, depending on them to introduce me to other partners they cooperate with.

A question that follows these introductory remarks is: are these movements new expressions of fascism? Contemporary ONR members draw inspiration from their interwar predecessor, which ideologically bore resemblance to Spanish Falanga. FN and LA make the politics around fascist heritage a cornerstone of their activism and HVIM explicitly refers to the interwar Arrow Cross Party. Does this make them (neo)fascist? I argue that the importance of fascism for the movements in question goes beyond the degree of correspondence with interwar predecessors or claims of “lineage”. Similarly, they do not necessarily need to exemplify the rise of “neoliberal fascism” (McKenna 2018; Pine 2019), for what we observe today are multiple fascisms (Holmes 2019; Pine 2019). Ideas and practices I analyse are but one mode of engaging with a vast fascist repertoire to propose alternative political scenarios; and what is crucial is to comprehend why “fascist ideas and sensibilities have become enthralling once again, capable of recruiting young activists intent on recasting the future of Europe” (Holmes 2019: 85).

The young activists I have been researching are mostly male, which is a result of both the gender composition of the movements and the fact that women were often reluctant to talk to me and often felt compelled to ask their leaders for permission to do so. While professional paths differ tremendously, university students and graduates make up the largest group of research participants. They set the tone and the agenda, and they do so in a twofold way. First, they use the knowledge and skills obtained in the course of their education for the benefit of their movements. Lawyers strive to make sure organisations do not contravene existing legislation; specialists in communication teach others how to reach larger audiences; graduates in history and anthropology spread views about their nations’ “culture” and “history” via blogs and webpages. Any professional path may be useful. Second, due to the problem of unemployment or underemployment among graduates, this demographic is very vocal in discussions about their countries’ envisioned reorganisation. In addressing the problems their generation faces in finding proper and fulfilling work, activists talk about the nationalisation of the economy, prevention of the “brain drain” (and, simultaneously, of foreign immigration), and the necessity to fight against the perceived sources of these problems, that is, “capitalism,” “(post)communists,” “liberals,” “foreign capital,” “American-Jewish lobbies,” and/or “Brussels.”

By emphasising the education of the activists I would like to draw attention to a point numerous other scholars have noted: we need to stop conceiving of the far-right appeal exclusively in terms of marginalisation and dispossession (Gusterson 2021; Taitelbaum 2019; Zúquete 2018). While one certainly comes across activists whose sociodemographic profiles fit the stereotypical image of a far-right sympathiser, one is equally likely to meet those who state quite frankly that they devote time and resources to militancy and (costly) transnational networking precisely because they can afford to do so (see reflections on “middle class radicals” in Gusterson 2021 and Mazzarella 2019). Moreover, it is important to be aware of the incredible variety of individual trajectories and personal backgrounds of the people who identify themselves with far-right groups. After dozens of conversations with activists from three countries, I cannot identify a common dominator in activists’ family backgrounds. Grandchildren of declared fascists, children of Communist Party members, daughters of conservative parents and sons growing up in the post-1968 climate of nostalgia – I have met them all. Choosing a right-wing militant path may be an act of resistance against one's family or it may be the continuation of family traditions. But it is just as likely that family background does not matter at all. Similarly, although most activists consider themselves Christians, some of them are “only” “culturally” Christian, while some are devout believers and churchgoers. And, as mentioned above, their professions can range from high-earning lawyers and real estate owners to low-income cashiers and construction workers.

When explaining why they joined far-right movements and what the membership affords them, activists highlight two aspects. The first is the “quest” for community. Militants7 often present themselves as people who used to be misunderstood or even excluded by peers, who were searching for a space in which to be active and to realise themselves. In such narratives, a culminating moment is joining the far-right ranks, an act which is described in terms of entering a new era of eternal friendship, unconditional trust, and support (see Pilkington 2016). While such accounts seem characteristic of the members of closed groups, they also point to the larger question of youth more generally in the neoliberal era: “purportedly apolitical, apathetic, cynical, and vulnerable to political manipulation”, but deeply satisfied by participation in joint ventures and community initiatives (Hemment 2015: 8–9). The centrality of community is a leitmotiv of numerous studies on the appeal of radical organisations to young people (e.g., Pilkington et al. 2018; Slootman and Tillie 2006).

The second is the emphasis placed on education and “moral upbringing,” best reflected in the self-definition of the actors in question, who like to describe their groups as “cultural-educational associations” and “ethical communities”. The conditions for becoming a member of one of the movements I am studying entail familiarity with a certain corpus of literature, which is discussed during the preparatory courses and assessed through qualifying exams.8 Even if such a requirement is certainly not universal for all far-right collectivities, it is important to highlight the emphasis on “education” in order to counter the mainstream discourse, which persistently depicts far-right groups as an embodiment of (mostly) physical violence.

Far-right ideologues are perfectly aware of this widespread image and try to manipulate it to their own advantage. On the one hand, they highlight values and goals that they share with all citizens, thereby presenting themselves as “average” members of society. On the other hand, they do not want to alienate the more radical right-wing voices in the community. In planning their activities and organising events, they thus try to satisfy the wishes of different constituents, both those looking for an occasion to brawl and those looking for bibliographical references on nationalist ideology. All of these aspects – financial means enabling mobility, community orientation, emphasis on education, carefully crafted PR strategies – are of great importance when it comes to establishing and maintaining transnational cooperation. This is the issue to which I now turn in the following section.

Translation, across time and space

While “translation” as an explicit object of research in anthropology has gained prominence in recent decades, translation has always been one of the constitutive elements of the discipline as such. First, doing and writing ethnography is an attempt at relating emic and etic terms. Second, anthropological contributions have played an important role in using the concept of translation to investigate power relations, as prominently addressed by Talal Asad (1993), Dipesh Chakrabarty (2000), and Homi Bhabha (1994). Third, a focus on how cultural ideas are translated constitutes an anthropological subject par excellence (Maranhão and Streck 2003; Merry 2006). I approach translation both as a category of practice in the social field and as an analytical category (Bachmann-Medick 2012: 23). More specifically, I use it to refer to verbal and non-verbal practices of far-right activists and ideologues within the transnational, multilingual field. I understand the objects of translation broadly, exploring the translation of ideas, trends, symbols, practices, and institutions. Inspired by recent scholarship, I am particularly interested in negotiations, de-/recontextualisations, and adaptations, whether it is about implementing an image in a different national context (Doerr 2017), putting an individual concern into universalist terms (Fuchs 2009), or helping new ideas and institutions take root in a different cultural context via the processes of “vernacularization” (Merry 2006).

Since the outset of my research, the “know-how” of transnational cooperation has constituted an important topic of my conversation with far-right militants. The answer I usually get begins with a statement regarding the obviousness of the need for cooperation, but tends to develop further into a discussion of its selective and consciously designed operation. Polish research participants usually reply that they divide foreign movements into those they can learn something from and those that have nothing to offer. Among the latter ones they list, at the moment, Romanian and Serbian groups that have unsuccessfully tried to establish cooperation with the ONR. I am emphasising that it is a present-day state of affairs, as the landscape of the cooperating groups changes rapidly.

The main reason Poles find cooperation with Italians and Hungarians beneficial is that they all share esteem for interwar ideologues, promote the idea of their movements as “comradeships”, embrace various forms of social assistentialism and take the idea of “European brotherhood” seriously. Italians treat Poles very similarly, admiring them as faithful Catholics who manage to mobilise the masses during nationalist gatherings. Talking to Polish and Italian activists, I have come to realise that both groups consider other nationalist groups to be much more successful than they themselves are. Moreover, both Italians and Poles consider Hungarians to be the most successful of all radical right-wing networks, with success being measured in terms of reaching a wide audience that crosscuts many different layers of society.

Activists unanimously emphasise that joint summer camps, festivals, and conferences serve educational and socialisation purposes. While they acknowledge that joining demonstrations abroad is proof of far-right solidarity and support, in describing such activities movements’ members tend to focus on two other dimensions. The first regards the types of initiatives that activists from different countries try, more or less successfully, to transplant into their own contexts, whether it is nationwide gatherings (usually summer reunions) and national campaigns (usually related to history) or events organised on a smaller scale. Unsurprisingly, the leaders are particularly on the lookout for any aspect of far-right activism that seems to “function” abroad, be it strategies for attracting more female activists or convincing local mayors to grant permission for an event. The second dimension commonly emphasised by my interlocutors is that of friendship. Frequent cross-visits have led in many cases to establishing close bonds among activists from different countries, which are sustained with the help of social media.

It is worth bearing this aspect in mind when trying to both avoid a one-dimensional picture of far-right militancy as limited to strategic acting and to help counter the aura of exoticism that surrounds it. In short, there are several reasons why nationalist activists search for partners abroad: in some cases, it is about ideological proximity and a mission they claim to share, in others about granting legitimacy to the kindred movements, in yet others about personal relationships. “Learning” and “good practices” exchange is strongly emphasised, and it appears to be a pattern in the cooperation of far-right movements (Zúquete 2018). In my introductory vignette, I alluded to the anniversary of the establishment of the ONR, attended by several guests from Italy (the busy schedule of the Hungarian colleagues who were invited prevented them from coming). Celebrated on a warm spring weekend in Gdańsk, which is located on the Baltic coast and is one of Poland's largest cities, the anniversary was attended by several hundred Poles from different regional chapters of the ONR (including a group of Polish emigrants from an overseas chapter). Several dozen sympathisers, former members, and relatives likewise joined due to the importance of the event. Having two weekend days at their disposal, the host – the Gdańsk chapter of ONR – had prepared a series of events ranging from informal networking to cultural programmes and formal celebration.

On Saturday afternoon, the ONR members and their guests gathered in front of the Gdańsk shipyard, the site of the 1980 Solidarity movement strikes that became the symbol of opposition to the communist regime. The venue that had been rented for the celebration was thus far from coincidental. The ONR was aware that the moment the information reached the media, the entire country would start talking about the anniversary; moreover, they correctly predicted that a liberal audience would turn out to decry the profanation by “fascists” of this revered site of civic resistance.

Having received a signal, the gathered crowd entered the big hall, the former shipyard canteen, adorned for the occasion with the ONR and Polish flags and filled with chairs and benches. The hall was soon overflowing with hundreds of people dressed in black and green sweatshirts featuring ONR slogans. There was a murmur of greetings and salutes exchanged among activists, yet all fell silent as soon as the chair of the meeting entered the stage. He warmly welcomed everyone there and announced what was to follow: the speeches, the renewal of the vows, and a march through the city, as well as a less formal social event planned for the evening.

I sat down at the front with the Italian guests, translating or summarising for them the content of the speeches and, in turn, listening to their commentary on what they heard or observed in the room. Emilio was particularly interested in having me explain why the audience was applauding at particular moments in the speech. The three speeches we heard, delivered by the former and current leaders of three regional chapters, touched upon a series of common issues: the threat that migration posed for both Poland and Europe, the need to fight for a sovereign national Polish state and economic autarky, the flaws of the liberal democratic system. The Italians keep nodding; there was nothing they would disagree with or, for that matter, find very surprising. They patiently limited themselves to occasionally observing, “Giusto” (That's right).

They were thrilled, however, the moment the ONR members got up to renew their vows. Emilio and his mates roused themselves the moment the members stood up and, with hands on their chest, pledged faithfulness to the association and to the national cause. My interlocutors’ eyes sparked when they saw it. They kept repeating, “Ma che bello!” and Emilio said to Nevio, “What a pity we don't have anything like this”.9 They had a similar reaction to the march that followed the ceremony. After the official event concluded, and the crowd was asked to leave the venue, the ONR members gathered on a large square in front of the shipyard buildings, each of them uniting with his or her regional chapter. Heads of regional units were responsible for assembling and arranging their subordinates in columns and for distributing flags to be carried. While the shipyard functions today as a museum, there were hardly any visitors around that day, a fact that further contributed to the perception of the area of the historical site being temporarily taken over by the movement, the green, red, and white flags waving in the wind and hundreds of men and women dressed alike.

It took about half an hour for the march to begin. Leaving the square in perfect order, the ONR members began marching, totally undisturbed, through the old town. They headed towards the town hall, where they stopped and regrouped, forming themselves into neat rows before listening to yet another short speech. Their appearance could not but evoke historical comparisons. Polish press and TV were quick to report a Nazi-style demonstration and reminded viewers of Nazi German soldiers’ march through Gdańsk back in 1939. My own connotation was different. When talking to Emilio and Nevio, who were simply enthralled, a different image came to my mind: that of Adolf Hitler observing a perfectly orchestrated military parade in Mussolini's Italy, which supposedly had an immense impact on him and inspired his policies back home in Germany (see Goeschel 2017).

After the marchers dispersed (we were to gather again only in the evening), Emilio and Nevio wanted get a coffee, so we entered a nearby bakery. They insisted on paying for my coffee too, entering into a short argument on gender vis-à-vis other components of one's status (“You're a local so in theory you have right to pay for coffee for the guests, but you are also a woman so we need to pay.”). Nevio nearly spat out what he called the “black water”, saying it was the worst coffee he had ever tasted. But the bitter taste did not seem to alter their positive impressions of the day. The two militants kept repeating that a march like the ONR one could never occur in Italy, where the “climate has regrettably become very hostile toward nationalist sentiments” and where “Antifa [anti-fascists] is backed by the authorities”.

Interestingly, quite the opposite perspective was expressed by Staszek, who was pleasantly surprised by the march's success. He told me that a few years back he could not have even hoped that the organisation would become so disciplined and manage to be so “presentable”. In fact, he said, the idea of organising a well-ordered demonstration (as opposed to unleashing an unruly mob to march through the streets shouting slogans and raising clenched fists) was inspired by observations carried out in Italy; as such, the march can be considered an example of a “vernacularized practice” (Merry 2006: 39). Obviously, marches in both countries are clearly influenced by military order, not necessarily of the fascist stamp. Yet it is important to underline in this context that Italian activists who openly claim fascist inspirations travel to Poland to experience something that they try to (re)create in their own country. These kinds of back-and-forth inspirations are far from surprising if we consider the steps of a process of translation, which is never “a one-off affair” (Fuchs 2009: 27) and that in the process of translation, both languages undergo transformation (see Brodwin 2003; Giordano 2008).

The march would not have been successful – neither in terms of visibility nor in terms of provocation – if it had not been for careful organisation. In Poland, in order for a demonstration to be legal, it needs to be registered at the city council. Aware that the ONR as an organisation might be refused permission to march or, even if permission were granted, ONR might find itself liable if something went wrong, the organisers decided to delegate one person to register the march with the town hall. “It is about one person getting a fine versus the entire association being dissolved”, Polish activists explained. Upon hearing this, the Italian comrades engaged them in a long discussion about how legislation in the two countries differs and what might be possible if one wants to respect existing laws. The discussion turned into an exchange of know-how on a series of issues: How do you rent a place for your headquarters? How do you manage to run charities? Have you tried to take over a building? Have you considered creating cooperatives?

Many of the issues discussed could be summarised as strategising about how to expand the field of activities – for example, through charity institutions that are registered under a different name – without alienating those people who are reluctant to cooperate with a group that is associated with right-wing ideology. While these discussions referred to, at least at the time of the conversation, potential rather than already existing structures, the very fact of this explicit exchange of information, tactics, and strategies exemplifies Sally Merry's reflections (2006) on “replications” and “hybrids” as products of translation/vernacularisation. Importantly, whether trying to import a model of acting from abroad (replication) or merging foreign and local ones (hybrid), far-right strategising proves the ultimate subordination of the transnational context to the national one: they “borrow” and “learn” from the former to strengthen the latter.

This and other discussions were going on during the evening cultural programme, held in a small club located in a working-class neighbourhood on the outskirts of Gdańsk. The rather nondescript venue stood in stark contrast to the shipyards and the celebratory event held earlier that day in the heart of the city, and this provoked varied responses. Ulryk, a local and one of the people responsible for organising the anniversary event, was happy with its low-key character, claiming that the club had a good atmosphere that facilitated integration. Tired but seemingly content, he spent the evening outside the club fishing for compliments and talking to whoever agreed to listen about the hours of work he had devoted to the event's organisation. Staszek, on the other hand, spent a good chunk of the evening standing in a corner, red with anger and shame, and smoking one cigarette after another. “It is so embarrassing to bring Italians to this God-forsaken hole in the wall!” Despite his worries, the Italian guests seemed to enjoy the evening, their only complaint being – once again – the quality of the food.

Apart from socialising over a beer, grilled sausages, and sauerkraut, the evening programme featured a concert by an Italian singer and the launching of an Italian book, recently translated into Polish by one of the movement's sympathisers and presented by the author and the translator. The author, an elderly man retired from militant activities, came to Poland with a young rock musician, likewise connected to the far-right scene. While neither of them is officially a movement member, both gladly support various far-right initiatives via their cultural entrepreneurship. The book publicised that night, described as a collection of “politically incorrect fairy tales”, was presented to the Polish audience for the very first time, and it is thus difficult to assess the success of the book's translation. However, the fact that the author received a great deal of attention and questions from the audience and that many people queued afterwards to purchase a copy was quite telling about the interest in his work and his ideas. The attention was far from surprising, given that his stories are built around certain tropes – ideals of masculinity, comradeship, hierarchical order – that are neither Italian or Polish, but constitute key idioms in the transnational discourse of the far right.10

In a Q&A session following the book presentation, he was asked, among other things, about the image of Poland in Italy. His answer did not fail to satisfy the audience, who heard about affinities, friendship, and the necessity of collaboration “for the sake of Europe.” Yet another question regarded the march that had taken place a few hours earlier, a question that was quite perceptibly asked with pride and the expectation of eliciting some flattering comments. In this case, however, the elderly man said that he found the event rather sad. “We walked through the very centre of the city”, he said, “and people just gave us a look and continued to sip their drinks and chat. I think I prefer opposition to indifference”, he concluded. His answer surprised the audience. This time Staszek was nodding and Emilio, who earlier had complained precisely about the anti-far-right resistance in Italy, seemed puzzled. A Polish activist I sat with observed, instead, that in the future Polish books would be translated into Italian.11 It was high time that authors such as Roman Dmowski, a key representative of Polish nationalist thought, were popularised in the West.

In contrast to the well-received book presentation, the musical performance was rather a fiasco. Even though the musician's style was representative of the far-right music scene, the Polish activists, unable to understand the content of the Italian songs, ignored the singer and moved outside to chat. For the activists who came to Gdańsk from different corners of Poland and even from abroad, the celebratory event was one of the few occasions where they could meet in a larger group, and catching up and exchanging views was a higher priority than listening to songs they could not understand. A few people who stayed close to the stage and paid attention to the music told me later that they had already heard of the musician and understood the meaning of the songs’ lyrics because they had used Google Translate. Even if they had understood Italian, the songs’ contents, relating the Italian soldiers’ victorious fight during the First World War and biographies of Italian far-right heroes, would most likely have failed to evoke a strong response. What certainly did not help was the attitude of the singer, who kept people at bay and seemed reluctant to “fraternise” with the crowds. The following performance, by a Polish music bard who sang about communist executioners and innocent victims of the national struggle for independence after the Second World War, brought people back inside.

The taking of the oath and the march through the city showed that it was the familiar, ritualised form, together with the affective aspects, that evoked an enthusiastic response from the guests, even if they were in part ignorant of the content. The reaction to the concert, on the other hand, shows that the form is not always enough and that the content matters, too. The book presentation seems to represent a successful mix of form and content. These examples also remind us that an analysis of transnational networking needs to take into account the figure of the translator and his/her capacity to render ideas and practices either as universal concerns (here meaning of great importance for all far-right militants) or in local terms (appealing to local sensibilities), something that people like the elderly writer and gregarious Emilio excel at. Moreover, the very way in which the anniversary event was structured is a good illustration of far-right leaders striving to appeal to different demographics and different kinds of audiences. They strategically play with the images of their members as “normal” people and as a “threatening” crowd, and make sure to offer their members both a “cultural repertoire” and the satisfaction of participating in a provocative march with at least the potential for violent clashes.

During the festive farewell lunch the following day, the Italian guests praised “Polish hospitality” and were thankful for the warm welcome they had received. The Polish hosts might have been more pleased with the compliments if it were not for the hefty bill they felt obliged to foot. Paying for lavish meals and drinks ordered by the guests (who kept commenting on how cheap everything in Poland is) took quite a chunk out of the organisers’ budget. Such occasions highlight persistent disparities of wealth between different European countries, which cannot but leave a mark on activism, and especially its transnational dimension. For even though, as I noted elsewhere, the job market for young people appears to be better in Poland than in Italy (Pasieka 2021), activists from postcommunist Eastern Europe tend to be more financially strapped and, consequently, their opportunities for transnational networking are more limited. My earlier account of Staszek's sense of shame in front of the Italians over the shabby venue reinforces the picture of still-existing West/East disparities. This observation does not question, of course, the necessity to focus on the transnational dimension. On the contrary, it reminds us that a meaningful transnational approach encourages us both not to take the borders of nation-states for granted and to recognise the continuing relevance of the role of those states in determining people's opportunities in life.

Conclusion: Whither Transnational Nationalism?

The moment they sit down to the welcome lunch, the Italian militants, who had just arrived in Poland, ask their hosts: “So what is your position on Syria?” Representatives of two national groups quickly agree that the attack on Syria12 is to be condemned but, having discussed the issue in more detail, they realise that their assessment of the situation in the region differs. Polish activists express much more scepticism toward Vladimir Putin's politics in the area than the Italians do. The Italians, on the other hand, are most vocal about the Israeli government's policies. As Emilio succinctly puts it: “Our [the organisation's] way of acting is simple: we always take an anti-Israeli position”.13

The conversation is interrupted by the waiter, who has come to the table to take orders. Emilio explains to Nevio, who is in Poland for the first time, that the Polish version of Italian ravioli, called pierogi, is a very good dish. Nevio, however, looks around the table and, indicating the tallest and most well-built Polish activist, says: “I'll have whatever he's having. He obviously knows what good food is”. With food and drinks ordered, the discussion continues. Having compared their respective countries’ general opinion regarding the situation in the Middle East, the activists agree that the most likely allies in their critique of NATO's involvement in Syria are far-left groups. In making their statement on the Syrian conflict via social media that morning, the Italian group actually re-tweeted a post from the Italian Communist Party. As Emilio explains to his Polish peers, he does not mean “fake communists” from the past but a new, “authentically communist” and “truly radical” party.14 Staszek nods and says that the situation is quite familiar to him: when a motion in favour of delegalising the ONR appeared,15 a radical left-wing group expressed their support and argued that their far-right opponents had a right to exist.

This exchange of views occurs in a rather chaotic manner, with many voices trying to get their points across all at the same time. As always, the success of the exchange depends on the involved parties’ capacity to translate them, not only from language to language, but from one context to another. It involves explaining that an anti-Israeli or anti-Semitic statement may mean something very different in an Eastern European country than in Italy, or outlining the complex background of anti-Russian sentiments in contemporary Poland (fieldnotes, 14 April 2018).

A conversation of this sort might well have been carried out among a group of politicians at an international summit or by members of left-wing associations, even if the arguments presented and the examples used would be different. Why then should we expect trans- or international exchanges among far-right nationalists to be any different?

The answer to this question lies, in part, in the recognition that the very subject of far-right activism, whether transnational or not, continues to be presented as something particularly “troublesome” and qualitatively different from other ethnographic inquiries. As Hugh Gusterson succinctly puts it, “we prefer [studying] Occupy” to far-right movements and parties (2017: 213). The problem with this “preference” lays in the fact we very much need in-depth ethnographic knowledge of fascisms in and of our time (Holmes 2019), and that an investigation into far-right activism ought to be seen as an anthropological problem par excellence. The challenges of rendering – “translating” – our research participants’ actions in a meaningful and just way are a general and perpetual anthropological problem that the study of the far right exemplifies anew.

The second difficulty I have highlighted regards the transnational dimension of the issues under investigation. As I have indicated, the term “transnationalism” continues to be perceived as more suitable for certain contexts and actors, which does not include far-right actors. In countering such a perspective and in drawing on critical assessments of approaches to transnational (Çağlar 2006; Dahinden 2017; Glick Schiller 2005; Green 2019), in this article I used a case study of unusual subjects of transnationalism to show its more mundane face. Like any other actors striving to influence the current sociopolitical landscape, far-right nationalists take globalisation as a given – and useful. Their transnational networking proves the ultimate subordination of the transnational context to the national one: activists “borrow” and “learn” from the former to strengthen the latter. Transnational relations among nationalistically minded activists are thus both necessary and logical.

Seen in this light, the seeming paradox of transnational nationalism emerges as yet another response to globalisation. Anthropologists have long debated the relationship between globalisation and nationalism, with some highlighting the crisis of sovereignty and the decline of nation-states and others arguing that nation-states and nationalism continue to matter (see, e.g., Gingrich and Banks 2006; Smith and Guarnizo 1998). The evidence presented in my article proves both contentions correct. It is clear that global capital flows deprive nation-states of certain prerogatives and that it is precisely this – perceived or factual – sovereignty crisis that fuels nationalist activists’ sentiments. But even more importantly, it is this sovereignty crisis that further accentuates existing discrepancies between nation-states and structural conditions that shape activists’ pathways: the power of “global capital” means something very different in a post-socialist (read: hastily neoliberalised) state than it does in a long-established liberal democracy with well-established protectionist measures. That is why we need to take into account that the transnational nationalist community is built on uneasy alliances that emerge not only between different far-right nationalist groups but also through alliances on particular positions with the left. And therefore, rather than speaking about diminishing or declining – yet also about increasing or returning nationalism – it appears more apt to talk about nationalism's transformation (see Bernal 2004).

This brings us back to my proposal to understand transnational nationalism as a political framework in which the transnational and the national are mutually constituted – and transformed. It is for this reason that I find the concept of translation helpful for understanding the practices of transnational actors, as it directs our attention to the fact that the act of translation affects both the original source and its rendering in a different language/context (as a consequence of multiple back-and-forth translations, it may be even difficult to speak about the “original source”).

As I have shown, far-right activists reach for translation to promote their ideas and practices and to have an impact on a broader field and get inspired by and learn from others. In both these cases, translation practices make evident the persistent hierarchies (such as West/East) and the limits of translation. In turn, reflections on successful translations performed by far-right activists demonstrate the importance of a focus on the “social” in the study of transnationalism. What appears to be crucial are the skilful and eager networkers (to serve as translators) as well as the ideas and practices (objects of translation) that allow activists to feel like members of a community that is at once national and transnational.

To conclude, far-right transnational activities are necessarily different from other political and social activism, in the case of which the descriptor “transnational” does not provoke such doubts. As transnational national encounters demonstrate, transnational networking may involve empty handshakes and annoyance with others’ stereotyping approaches, but it also entails serious debates on issues considered to be salient and generates genuine, long-term friendships. An inquiry into transnational nationalists’ networking thus means studying various platforms and forms of cooperation and exchange, as well as their limits, set by hurdles as complex as historical disputes and as simple as a lack of language skills. In short, this cooperation is at times sophisticated and at times superficial. Recognition of this “obviousness of transnationality” is relevant not only in terms of its analytical lens, but also in terms of its broader implications. The tension between the promotion of transnational mobility, variably conceived, and political efforts to strengthen nationalist agendas is a phenomenon occurring well beyond far-right milieus. Numerous (formerly?) far-right ideas have become a part of the mainstream, and the flow of such ideas is not unidirectional. Acknowledging this also means recognising the political valence of nationalist idioms in our unequally globalised sociopolitical reality, in which national claims and national identities are increasingly perceived as the only remaining sources of social cohesion (Hann 2016) and solidarity (Calhoun 2003). Consequently, an ethnography of the far right leads to getting to know and later explicating “their” ways of thinking and doing. It also provides a lens through which we are forced to look back at our own society – something every anthropological attempt at “translation” does.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for a series of incisive comments that helped me to strengthen my argument. Furthermore, I would like to extend my thanks for generous feedback and constructive criticism to Viola Castellano, Victoria Fomina, Aaron Kappeler, Annika Lems, Nasima Selim, Mihir Sharma, and Lauren Woodard.

Notes

1

I write “far-right” when I use it as an adjective and “far right” when I use it as a noun.

2

For most of its history, Gdańsk was inhabited by a majority German population. The conflict regarding its status was one of the reasons behind the Nazi Germany attack on Poland in September 1939.

3

Due to the experiences of the Second World War (as well as longer histories of Russian and German domination over what was considered Polish territories), anti-German and anti-Russian sentiments are widely recognized as defining features of Polish nationalism.

4

Numerous political scientists discuss the rise of the far-right as threatening for liberal democracy (e.g., Mounk 2018; Werner-Mueller 2013). The subject of the far-right's internalisation has been addressed more explicitly by the press. See, e.g., Joerg Schulze, The Far-Right: A Nationalist International?, http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/theneweurope/wk19.htm (accessed 18 November 2024); League of Nationalists, The Economist, 19 November 2016; John Feffer, Nationalism is Global, The Nation, 6 November 2019, https://www.thenation.com/article/archive/far-right-nationalist-climate-crisis/.

5

Already in 2007 Jens Rydgren called for more research on the subject (2007: 257).

6

For historical works questioning such an approach, see Bauernkämper and Rossoliński-Liebe 2017; Patel and Reichardt 2016.

7

I use the terms “militants” and “activists” interchangeably to denote the members of the studied movements. Militants/activists contrast with “sympathisers” who may participate in some initiatives and support the movements, but they do not count as members.

8

This corpus includes works by authors who are recognised within their respective national contexts, as well as those that have become important for the transnational far right, such as Leon Degrelle, Julius Evola, and Corneliu Codreanu.

9

Looking back, I found this comment surprising, as some time later I attended a renewal of the vows in northern Italy performed by Emilio's mates. I had no chance to ask Emilio about this apparent contradiction.

10

It is of course possible to trace national origins of this transnational discourse. Key inspirations are Italian fascist representations of virile violence (see Mosse 1996) and Romanian fascist (Codreanu's) model of legions. Constituents of a transnational nationalist discourse, these ideas may have different impact on respective national settings, with each group adopting them the way it desires.

11

On the far-right translation “market,” see Zúquete 2018.

12

This is specifically in reference to the events of 14 April 2018, when the United States, UK, and France launched strikes in response to the Syrian government's alleged chemical attacks on civilians.

13

This statement well represents the activists’ attitude towards the war in Gaza, which began in 2023. The discussion of this issue goes beyond the scope of this article.

14

He was referring to the Partito Comunista Italiano, established in 2016.

15

Such motions appear on a regular basis. The pretext is usually an offensive speech or the use of symbols and formulations that are illegal in Poland.

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  • Mammone, Andrea 2015: Transnational Neofascism in France and Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

  • Maranhão, Tullio & Bernhard Streck (eds.) 2003: Translation and Ethnography: The Anthropological Challenge of Intercultural Understanding. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

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  • Mazzarella, William 2019: The Anthropology of Populism: Beyond the Liberal Settlement. Annual Review of Anthropology 48: 4560. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102218-011412.

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  • McKenna, Brian 2018: The Agony of Flint: Poisoned Water, Racism and the Specter of Neoliberal Fascism. Anthropology Now 10(3): 4558. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/19428200.2018.1591053.

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  • Merry, Sally 2006: Transnational Human Rights and Local Activism: Mapping the Middle. American Anthropologist 108(1): 3851. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.2006.108.1.38.

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  • Miller-Idriss, Cynthia 2018: The Extreme Gone Mainstream: Commercialization and Far Right Youth Culture in Germany. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

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  • Mosse, George L. 1996: The Image of Man: The Creation of Modern Masculinity. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.

  • Mounk, Yascha 2018: The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

  • Pasieka, Agnieszka 2019: Anthropology of the Far Right: What If We Like the “Unlikeable” Others? Anthropology Today 35(1): 36. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8322.12480.

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  • Pasieka, Agnieszka 2021: Postsocialist or Postcapitalist Questions? Far-Right Historical Narratives and the Making of a New Europe. East European Politics and Societies and Cultures 35(4): 975995. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325420977628.

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  • Patel, Kiran Klaus & Sven Reichardt 2016: The Dark Side of Transnationalism: Social Engineering and Nazism, 1930s–40s. Journal of Contemporary History 51(1): 321. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0022009415607956.

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  • Pilkington, Hilary 2016: Loud and Proud: Passion and Politics in the English Defence League. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

  • Pilkington, Hilary, Elena Omelchenko & Benjamin Perasovic 2018: “One Big Family”: Emotion, Affect and Solidarity in Young People's Activism in Radical Right and Patriotic Movements. In: Hilary Pilkington, Gary Pollock & Renata Franc (eds.), Understanding Youth Participation across Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 123152.

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  • Pine, Adrienne 2019. Forging an Anthropology of Neoliberal Fascism. Public Anthropologist 1(1): 2040. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/25891715-00201003.

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  • Piper, Nicola & Matt Withers 2018: Forced Transnationalism and Temporary Labour Migration: Implications for Understanding Migrant Rights. Identities 25(5): 558575. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2018.1507957.

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  • Portes, Alejandro, Luis E. Guarnizo & Patricia Landolt 1999: The Study of Transnationalism: Pitfalls and Promise of an Emergent Research Field. Ethnic and Racial Studies 22(2): 217237. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/014198799329468.

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  • Roudometof, Victor 2000: Transnationalism and Globalization: The Greek-Orthodox Diaspora between Orthodox Universalism and Transnational Nationalism, Diaspora 9(3): 361397. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/dsp.2000.0005.

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  • Rydgren, Jens 2007. The Sociology of the Radical Right. Annual Review of Sociology 33: 241262. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.33.040406.131752.

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  • Shoshan, Nitzan 2016: The Management of Hate: Nation, Affect, and the Governance of Right-Wing Extremism in Germany. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Slootman, Marieke & Jean Tillie 2006: Processes of Radicalisation: Why Some Amsterdam Muslims Become Radicals. Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam.

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    • Export Citation
  • Smith, Michel P. & Luis Guarnizo 1998: Transnationalism from Below. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.

  • Stolcke, Verena 1995: Talking Culture: New Boundaries, New Rhetorics of Exclusion in Europe. Current Anthropology 36(1): 124. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1086/204339.

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    • Export Citation
  • Teitelbaum, Benjamin R. 2019: Collaborating with the Radical Right: Scholar-Informant Solidarity and the Case for an Immoral Anthropology. Current Anthropology 60(3): 414435. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1086/703199.

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    • Export Citation
  • Thorleifsson, Cathrine 2019: The Swedish Dystopia: Violent Imaginaries of the Radical Right. Patterns of Prejudice 53(5): 515533. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2019.1656888.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Vertovec, Steven 2009: Transnationalism. London: Routledge.

  • Werbner, Pnina 1999: Global Pathways: Working Class Cosmopolitans and the Creation of Transnational Ethnic Worlds. Social Anthropology 7(1): 1735. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.1999.tb00176.x.

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  • Werner-Mueller, Jan 2013: Wo Europa endet: Ungarn, Brüssel und das Schicksal der liberalen Demokratie [Where Europe ends: Brussels, Hungary, and the fate of liberal democracy]. Berlin: Suhrkamp.

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  • Xiang, Biao 2013: Multi-Scalar Ethnography: An Approach for Critical Engagement with Migration and Social Change. Ethnography 14(3): 282299. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/1466138113491669.

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  • Zúquete, José Pedro 2018: The Identitarians: The Movement against Globalism and Islam in Europe. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press.

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Contributor Notes

Agnieszka Pasieka is an assistant professor at the Department of Anthropology, University of Montréal. She is the author of Hierarchy and Pluralism: Living Religious Difference in Catholic Poland (Palgrave, 2015) and Living Right: Far-right Youth Activists in Contemporary Europe (Princeton, 2024). Email: agnieszka.pasieka@umontreal.ca; ORCID: 0000-0002-6895-7402

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  • Mazzarella, William 2019: The Anthropology of Populism: Beyond the Liberal Settlement. Annual Review of Anthropology 48: 4560. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102218-011412.

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  • McKenna, Brian 2018: The Agony of Flint: Poisoned Water, Racism and the Specter of Neoliberal Fascism. Anthropology Now 10(3): 4558. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/19428200.2018.1591053.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Merry, Sally 2006: Transnational Human Rights and Local Activism: Mapping the Middle. American Anthropologist 108(1): 3851. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.2006.108.1.38.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Miller-Idriss, Cynthia 2018: The Extreme Gone Mainstream: Commercialization and Far Right Youth Culture in Germany. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

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    • Export Citation
  • Mosse, George L. 1996: The Image of Man: The Creation of Modern Masculinity. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press.

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  • Pasieka, Agnieszka 2019: Anthropology of the Far Right: What If We Like the “Unlikeable” Others? Anthropology Today 35(1): 36. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8322.12480.

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  • Pasieka, Agnieszka 2021: Postsocialist or Postcapitalist Questions? Far-Right Historical Narratives and the Making of a New Europe. East European Politics and Societies and Cultures 35(4): 975995. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0888325420977628.

    • Search Google Scholar
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  • Patel, Kiran Klaus & Sven Reichardt 2016: The Dark Side of Transnationalism: Social Engineering and Nazism, 1930s–40s. Journal of Contemporary History 51(1): 321. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0022009415607956.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Pilkington, Hilary 2016: Loud and Proud: Passion and Politics in the English Defence League. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

  • Pilkington, Hilary, Elena Omelchenko & Benjamin Perasovic 2018: “One Big Family”: Emotion, Affect and Solidarity in Young People's Activism in Radical Right and Patriotic Movements. In: Hilary Pilkington, Gary Pollock & Renata Franc (eds.), Understanding Youth Participation across Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 123152.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Pine, Adrienne 2019. Forging an Anthropology of Neoliberal Fascism. Public Anthropologist 1(1): 2040. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/25891715-00201003.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Piper, Nicola & Matt Withers 2018: Forced Transnationalism and Temporary Labour Migration: Implications for Understanding Migrant Rights. Identities 25(5): 558575. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2018.1507957.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Portes, Alejandro, Luis E. Guarnizo & Patricia Landolt 1999: The Study of Transnationalism: Pitfalls and Promise of an Emergent Research Field. Ethnic and Racial Studies 22(2): 217237. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/014198799329468.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Roudometof, Victor 2000: Transnationalism and Globalization: The Greek-Orthodox Diaspora between Orthodox Universalism and Transnational Nationalism, Diaspora 9(3): 361397. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/dsp.2000.0005.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Rydgren, Jens 2007. The Sociology of the Radical Right. Annual Review of Sociology 33: 241262. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.soc.33.040406.131752.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Shoshan, Nitzan 2016: The Management of Hate: Nation, Affect, and the Governance of Right-Wing Extremism in Germany. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Slootman, Marieke & Jean Tillie 2006: Processes of Radicalisation: Why Some Amsterdam Muslims Become Radicals. Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies, Universiteit van Amsterdam.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Smith, Michel P. & Luis Guarnizo 1998: Transnationalism from Below. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.

  • Stolcke, Verena 1995: Talking Culture: New Boundaries, New Rhetorics of Exclusion in Europe. Current Anthropology 36(1): 124. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1086/204339.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Teitelbaum, Benjamin R. 2019: Collaborating with the Radical Right: Scholar-Informant Solidarity and the Case for an Immoral Anthropology. Current Anthropology 60(3): 414435. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1086/703199.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Thorleifsson, Cathrine 2019: The Swedish Dystopia: Violent Imaginaries of the Radical Right. Patterns of Prejudice 53(5): 515533. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2019.1656888.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Vertovec, Steven 2009: Transnationalism. London: Routledge.

  • Werbner, Pnina 1999: Global Pathways: Working Class Cosmopolitans and the Creation of Transnational Ethnic Worlds. Social Anthropology 7(1): 1735. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.1999.tb00176.x.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Werner-Mueller, Jan 2013: Wo Europa endet: Ungarn, Brüssel und das Schicksal der liberalen Demokratie [Where Europe ends: Brussels, Hungary, and the fate of liberal democracy]. Berlin: Suhrkamp.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Xiang, Biao 2013: Multi-Scalar Ethnography: An Approach for Critical Engagement with Migration and Social Change. Ethnography 14(3): 282299. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/1466138113491669.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Zúquete, José Pedro 2018: The Identitarians: The Movement against Globalism and Islam in Europe. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation

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