This article analyzes the way in which primary school textbooks in Spain and Portugal portrayed women and their role in the workplace (as represented in texts and images) in the second half of the 1970s and early 1980s, a period during which both countries were undergoing transitions from dictatorship to democracy. These were especially complex times; while bold legislative initiatives were undertaken in an attempt to overcome the hegemonic traditional portrayal of femininity, the strength with which conservative gender stereotypes persisted across society was considerable.
Our study forms part of a broader research initiative entitled “The Individual, Nature and Society: A Study of Their Interrelations and Representations in School Textbooks in Spain and Portugal in the Last Third of the Twentieth Century” (Individuo, naturaleza y sociedad: estudio de sus relaciones y representaciones en la manualística escolar de España y Portugal en el último tercio del siglo XX). We address part of the third specific objective of the project, which is to discover the relationships established between work and gender and to identify differences and similarities between the types of messages and narratives conveyed in Spanish and Portuguese textbooks.
The study of school textbooks from a gender perspective took its first steps in Spain and Portugal toward the end of the 1980s. Sociocultural notions regarding gender (in its symbolic order and in the collective consciousness) are communicated to children starting with school textbooks, which convey values, attitudes, and behaviors depending on gender stereotypes.1 Starting with the very first studies, research exposed the patent sexism of Spanish and Portuguese textbooks’ images, language, and content. Very few women were represented, offering to pupils a vision of the world in which the most important actors were nearly always men.2 It is within this theoretical framework, which falls under the rubric of women's studies, that our study fits. It is also highly significant for four reasons: (1) it addresses the issue of economic socialization, an issue that very few prior studies have looked at; (2) it portrays the socio-occupational imaginary that is reflected in textbooks (especially the way in which this representation changed during the transition to democracy); (3) its scope includes two countries; (4) and its methodology consists in the use of critical discourse analysis.3
Below, we will provide a brief description of the sociopolitical context of each country in its transition to democracy and of the accompanying progress made by women. This will be followed by an exposition of the methodology, a discussion of the results, and our conclusions. These conclusions highlight the fact that in order to achieve equality between men and women, we need to eliminate gender stereotypes that are deeply rooted in our society and that are evident in a great many cultural products that we both produce and consume.
Historical Context: Two Transitions, One Struggle against Gender Discrimination
In the mid-1970s, Spain and Portugal both underwent a transition from military dictatorship to democracy. A coup d’état by a coalition of army captains (Capitanes de Abril) on 25 April 1974 in Portugal and the death of General Franco on 20 November 1975 in Spain are seen as the start of the periods of transition to democracy in these countries. Specialized historiography on the subject considers the two transitions to have been quite different.4 However, there were a number of aspects that were common to Spain's and Portugal's recent dictatorial past. Both Francisco Franco and António de Oliveira Salazar oversaw the construction of states that allowed for the existence of a single party (Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista—FET y de las JONS—in Spain and the Unión Nacional in Portugal) and were characterized by their anti-parliamentarianism, their political and economic anti-liberalism, their fight against communism, their limitation of people's rights, and their support of conservative values.
This latter feature led both the Salazar and the Franco regimes to embrace a similar feminine ideal, namely, that of the mother-wife dedicated to taking care of her husband and raising her children. This role, based on the nineteenth-century ideology of the two realms (a public one for men and a private one for women) also encompassed the doctrine of each gender's different natural abilities and functions. Converting such an ideology into reality required the implementation of gender policies that, in addition to relying on education in a broad sense, resorted to a legal order in which women's legal rights were subjugated to the tutelage of their husbands. This guaranteed male social control by impeding any attempt by women to gain social or economic control and by stymieing any professional ambitions they might have.5
With the end of dictatorship, women in Spain and Portugal saw the chance to finally stand up to the tyranny of being considered “minors” or “second-class citizens” and to achieve the same rights and obligations as men. Both the Spanish Constitution of 1978 (in Article 14) and the Portuguese Constitution of 1976 (in Article 13) declared all citizens to be equal before the law and prohibited discrimination based on gender. At this point, both countries put into place a number of mechanisms to convert this constitutional declaration into reality. The women's international movement reinforced the considerable effort reflected in these fundamental laws in favor of true gender equality. This effort was supported by the United Nations via the World Conference on Women (Mexico City in 1975 and Copenhagen in 1980) and by the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1979. Spain and Portugal were among the first countries to ratify this agreement.6
In Spain, beginning before the end of the dictatorship, but continuing much more robustly during the transition, different organizations and associations such as the Association of Housewives (Asociación de Amas de Casa) and the Women's Democratic Movement (Movimiento Democrático de las Mujeres) worked to raise women's awareness of the public and political issues facing the country in general and the specific issues related directly to discrimination against women.7 Created in 1981, the Women's Institute (Instituto de la Mujer) played a vital role throughout the decade in advocating for the Plan for Equal Opportunities for Women (Planes para la Igualdad de Oportunidades de las Mujeres), which proved decisive in achieving greater fairness for women. At the same time, demands for equality began to be taken into account at the legal and judicial levels. For example, Law 16/1976 (from 9 April), which pertains to labor relations, states that women and men with the same work capacity are accorded the same rights, obligations, and opportunities, and should therefore receive equal pay for performing the same work. Law 30/1981 (from 7 July), known as the “Divorce Law,” finally legalized divorce and guaranteed the divorced woman's right to retain custody of her children.8
In Portugal, the Constitution of 1976 conferred on women, for the first time in history, a legal status equal to that of men, serving as a starting point for their struggle to achieve real equality. One prominent figure in this struggle was Maria de Lourdes Pintasilgo. Having been appointed as the minister of social affairs at the very start of the transition, she created the Commission of the Feminine Condition (Comissão da Condição Feminina, CCF), which was recognized by Decree 47/75 (from 1 February). This stage of diagnosis or discovery of the myriad discriminations that women faced was followed by a series of initiatives (also promoted by the CCF) and legislative measures to counter such discrimination. In 1977, the CCF helped introduce essential changes to the Civil Code (Código Civil) and family law, which guaranteed equality and curtailed the marital power that had benefitted men. In 1982, adultery was decriminalized. Throughout the 1980s, the CCF embarked on numerous pioneering initiatives and projects aimed at empowering women in what it considered priority areas, including education, intervention at the local level, decision-making, and family planning.9
Economically, both Spain and Portugal enjoyed considerable growth during the 1970s. This included a shift to a tertiary economy accompanied by a reduction of the primary sector, tendencies that were sustained during the transition to democracy.10 This transformation in the countries’ economic structures stimulated the incorporation of women into the workplace, owing to the fact that many of the new types of paid jobs (salespersons, hotel receptionists, nurses, and teachers) were deemed appropriate for women. At the start of the democratic transition in Spain, in 1976, the rate of male economic activity was 77.8 percent, in contrast to a rate of 28.67 percent for women. In Portugal, in 1975, the rate of male economic activity was 61.2 percent, while that of women stood at 38.8 percent.11 However, it is evident that important inequalities in work opportunities persisted. Formal progress was not accompanied by true equality in the socioeconomic sphere, in good part because of the persistence of traditional, conservative attitudes toward female employment.12 An important element for girls and young women, therefore, was the availability (or lack) of positive references and role models that could allow them to see themselves working in different professional fields. The didactic material shown to them in school was thus of enormous importance.13 Below, we will examine what they found in their textbooks.
Methodological Approach
School textbooks allow us to analyze a curriculum and the material covered in a given subject not only in conceptual, methodological, and pedagogical terms, but also in the subject's political, cultural, and social dimensions. This is due to the way in which textbooks represent a materialization of each country's educational changes and historical-pedagogical circumstances.14 The methodological approach used in this study fits within the framework of critical discourse analysis (CDA), an analytical technique that problematizes social norms, abuses of power, discrimination, and domination in specific discourse structures (in this case, those pertaining to school and education).15
In this context, it is essential to introduce the concept of the “false neutral” as articulated by Maria Isabel Barreno.16 This idea, which is deeply entwined with linguistic and gender-related concerns, underscores how the universal masculine gender in language can deceive with an illusion of neutrality when referencing men and women, while in reality it subtly reinforces androcentric norms and perpetuates gender inequality. The integration of this concept within our study allows us to highlight the intricate relationship between language, discourse, and gender dynamics in the educational context, demonstrating how seemingly innocuous language choices can have far-reaching implications.
Our starting premise is the understanding of discourse as a “communicative event” that encompasses written texts and images.17 Textbooks constitute a mechanism of social control by means of their discourses.18 Their ideological function is not limited strictly to the “legitimate” knowledge contained in their pages; rather, there is a significance that is expressed in the inclusion of certain topics and social actors and the omission of others.19 In textbooks, the dominant social representations take the form of the feminine and masculine characters (whether real or fictional) that appear in scholastic discourse. Via these characters, pupils learn about the significance of “being a man” or “being a woman” within a specific socioeconomic and human context.20 Given that the context of the production of this school material is culturally and socially defined, it is possible that a patriarchal system could contribute to the reproduction and reinforcement of stereotypes relating to femininity and masculinity.21
Our sample encompasses the study of masculine and feminine representation in school textbooks used in the subject of social studies. The books were approved by the respective ministries in Spain and Portugal (Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia in Spain, Ministério da Educação e Investigação Científica in Portugal) and published during the establishment of democratic political regimes in the last third of the twentieth century (Table 1). The textbooks adhere to guidelines stipulated in the General Education Law of 1970 in Spain and Law 5/1973 in Portugal, both of which brought profound changes to the countries’ educational systems, especially regarding democratization and equality in teaching.
Summary of the selected textbooks.
| No. | Country | Title | Grade | Year | Publisher | Subject | Authors | Pages |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Spain | Ciencias Sociales 6º | 6º EGB | 1981 | Anaya | Social Studies | J. Prats et al. | 295 |
| 2 | Portugal | História de Portugal | 2º Ano Ensino Preparatorio | 1981 | Porto Editora | History of Portugal | F. Costa et al. | 207 |
What was known as Basic Education (Enseñanza Básica) in Spain and Portugal during the transition to democracy consisted of eight years of compulsory education.22 For this study, we examined school textbooks used by boys and girls aged eleven, which in both countries corresponds to year six. In Spain, this was termed the sixth course of EGB (Enseñanza General Básica), while in Portugal this year corresponded to the second year of Ensino Preparatorio. We believe that pupils at this age can assess and reflect upon lengthy school texts.
The textbooks studied were from the subjects of national history (Portugal) and social studies (Spain). These subjects play a crucial role both in the acquisition of knowledge and in the transmission of values pertaining to life in society. The textbooks chosen for this study were sourced from the International Center of School Culture (Centro Internacional de la Cultura Escolar, CEINCE) and the Portuguese National Library (Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, BNP). They were published by two renowned publishing houses, Anaya in Spain23 and Porto Editora in Portugal.24 The selection was based on the significant influence that these publishers have in their respective countries, and we considered them to be highly representative and appropriate for our analysis.
Our primary unit of analysis is the “social actor.”25 Social actors are represented by the human characters (male and female) portrayed in the textbook discourses. They interact, communicate meaning, and serve as a link between discourse and reality, playing an essential role in the configuration of pupils’ identities.26 Theo Van Leeuwen asserts that these symbolic representations “include or exclude social actors to suit their interests and purposes in relation to the readers for whom they are intended.”27
For this study, we carried out a systematic codification of all female and male social actors present in the textbooks’ discourses. A total of 2,549 characters appears in the 502 pages of the sample. The codification was performed using the software MAXQDA Analytics Pro 22.5.0, which is recognized for its reliability in analyzing qualitative data and for its proven capacity to handle data from studies using CDA in the realm of education and school textbook studies.28 The study makes every effort to comply with the rigorous methodological standards in the field of women's studies.29
It is important to acknowledge the limitations inherent in the methodology used, which involves an exhaustive process of digitalizing, transcribing, and processing data. The digital and computational technologies employed are meant to ensure a precise and complete compilation of the social actors represented in each textbook. It is for this reason that we chose a sample that, while limited in some ways, provides us with an initial perspective of the topic at hand and offers us the possibility of an approach to the study of androcentrism and gender discrimination in the textbooks from the viewpoint of CDA. This approach, which uses MAXQDA, is potentially applicable to other didactic material in other historical or geographical contexts.
The categorizing process is based on a variety of CDA models, which we used to adopt a semiotic, discursive approach.30 Our classification is grounded in Van Leeuwen's system network of social actors31 and is organized into two broad categories (“inclusion” and “exclusion” of social actors in school discourse). Table 2 contains the system of subcategories used to carry out a non-androcentric, critical reading of the material.32 These indicators explain the semantic options used in school discourse for presenting social actors, constructing their identities, assigning them social and professional roles, transmitting their legacy, assessing their actions, modeling their attributes, creating networks of relationships, and naturalizing positions of power and domination over different social groups.
The coding scheme of social actors.
| CDA Analytical Models | |
|---|---|
| Appraisal1 | Attribute: The psychosocial qualities of social actors that are valued in the discourse. Contribution: The actions of social actors that contribute to shaping the course of history. Significance: The profound importance of social actors to society. Achievement: The notable accomplishments of social actors throughout history. |
| Mode2 | Profiled: The appearance of social actors with a detailed description. Cited: The mere mention of social actors without further elaboration. Work: The inclusion of social actors based on their original works (written works, artistic creations, and so on). |
| Location3 | Main body, Activity section, or Annexes in textual content. Foreground–Background and Public–Private spheres that social actors occupy in iconographic content. |
| Type of Character4 | Main characters: central or primary social actors who play significant roles in the discourse. Ordinary characters: secondary social actors who play roles less prominent in the discourse. Cultural references: include real-life social actors who have had a profound impact on society in various fields, including history, humanities, literature, arts, sciences, and more. |
| Behavior5 | Activation: the assignment of active roles to social actors. Passivation: the assignment of passive roles to social actors. |
| Functionalization6 | Economic remuneration: the acquisition of economic remuneration through the work that social actors embody in the discourse. Relational identification: the identification of social actors through their work relationship. |
M. Cecilia Fernández, “Appraisal in the Discourse of History Teaching: Contributions to the Analysis of Androcentrism,” Revista Signos 50, no. 95 (2017): 361–384, http://repositoriodigital.uct.cl/handle/10925/2824.
Ana M. López-Navajas, “Las mujeres que nos faltan: Análisis de la ausencia de las mujeres en los manuales escolares” [The missing women: An analysis of the absence of women in school textbooks], PhD diss., University of Valencia, 2015.
Ibid., 95–98.
Carole Brugueilles and Sylvie Cromer, Analysing Gender Representations in School Textbooks (Paris: UMR CEPED, 2009).
Van Leeuwen, “The Representation of Social Actors,” 32–70.
Ibid., 67.
In order to detect possible gender bias in the representation of social actors, we carried out transversal calculations of the Gender Parity Index (GPI) and of the Gender Equity Index (GEI). The GPI is based on the principle of parity and scrutinizes the proportion of feminine characters in relation to masculine characters shown in the school textbooks. The index is obtained by dividing the number of feminine social actors by the number of masculine social actors. Values inferior to 0.7 indicate a masculine bias, values between 0.8 and 1.3 show parity, and values greater than 1.3 reveal a feminine bias.33 The GEI, based on the concept of equity, allows us to assess the degree to which the textbooks succeed in showing a balanced representation of genders. The GEI calculation is obtained from the ratio between two differences. The numerator gives the percentage of appearance of feminine characters, which corresponds to the underrepresented group minus the minimum absolute value (0 percent), while the denominator gives the difference between the value showing complete equity (50 percent) and the minimum absolute value. The resulting GEI can then be classified into different levels: very high (0.8 < GEI ≤ 1), high (0.6 < GEI ≤ 0.8), moderate (0.4 < GEI ≤ 0.6), low (0.2 < GEI ≤ 0.4), and very low (0 < GEI ≤ 0.2).34 The combined use of the GPI and GEI allows us to make comparisons between the textbooks of the countries selected and to detect similarities and differences regarding their inclusion of feminine characters.
Discussion: The Unequal Socio-occupational Representation of Women and Men in Primary Social Studies Textbooks during the Spanish and Portuguese Transitions to Democracy
For this study, we analyzed a total of 2,549 social actors that appear in the discourse of the school textbooks chosen for our sample. Of this total, 11.95 percent are women (n = 195) and 88.05 percent are men (n = 1,437) (Table 3). Within the textual content, we identified a total of 917 social actors, of which 54 were feminine characters, and 863 were masculine characters. This proportion reveals that males represent approximately 94 percent of the individuals appearing in school textbooks in both countries. This result shows a marked disparity in gender representation, with a very low gender equity score (GEI = 0.12). It is worth highlighting the fact that, on average, about six female characters are shown for every 100 male characters in these textbooks, denoting a significant masculine bias in terms of gender parity (GPI = 0.06).
The inclusion of social actors in textbooks.
| Women | Men | Total | % Women | % Men | GEI | GPI | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Spain | Textual content | 24 | 382 | 406 | 5.91 | 94.09 | 0.12 | 0.06 |
| Iconographic content | 140 | 747 | 887 | 15.78 | 84.22 | 0.32 | 0.19 | |
| Portugal | Textual content | 30 | 481 | 511 | 5.87 | 94.13 | 0.12 | 0.06 |
| Iconographic content | 55 | 690 | 745 | 7.38 | 92.62 | 0.15 | 0.08 |
With regard to iconographic content, the images appearing in Portuguese textbooks (n = 141) and Spanish textbooks (n = 220) made for a total of 361 images. We should point out that the textbooks from both countries showed a marked prevalence of male characters. While 78.95 percent of the images represent men exclusively (Portugal: n = 118; Spain: n = 167), in those images containing people of both sexes (Portugal: n = 19; Spain: n = 36), 71.56 percent show a majority of male characters. In terms of gender parity, we find only seven images with a majority of females for every one hundred images in which males dominate (GPI = 0.07). In the Spanish textbooks used during the transition, the images showing women exclusively amount to 7.73 percent of the total (n = 17), while in Portuguese textbooks from the time this proportion falls to 2.84 percent (n = 4). These results demonstrate the limited representation accorded to women both individually and collectively in these school textbooks.
An examination of the social actors shown in the images analyzed (n = 1,632) reveals 195 women (11.95 percent) and 1,437 men (88.05 percent) (Table 3). The number of women shown in the Spanish textbooks is double that found in the Portuguese textbooks, where only eight women are shown for every one hundred men (GPI = 0.08). The resulting GEI shows an equity that is very low for Portugal and low for Spain. With regard to the age of the social actors shown, we turned our attention to the childhood stage, given that the textbooks are directed at primary school pupils. In this respect, we find that boys as well as girls tend to be shown as figures devoid of any voice or power as social subjects. This absence of young characters is more marked in Portuguese textbooks (3.49 percent) than in those used in Spain (24.01 percent), while the presence of girls is, on average, 9.01 percentage points lower than that of boys.
With the fundamental data pertaining to the inclusion and exclusion of women and men in school discourse, we should keep in mind that the existence of human beings can only be conceived of in the context of a society.35 It is therefore crucial that we fully understand what role these social actors play in contexts of social interaction and what types of activities they are engaged in. Socio-occupational activities are regulated by norms meant to foster social cohesion and to ensure that individuals behave appropriately and do not breach social conventions.36 Each person possesses a social status that is determined in their presentation in the school material.
In the textbooks’ textual content, this status is defined by the mode and the location occupied by the characters (Table 4). The principal way of showing social actors is by means of profiling, which provides us with a detailed description of the character. Of the 471 characters shown in this position, approximately 6 percent in Spain and 8 percent in Portugal are women. The resulting gender equity (GEI = 0.11) is very low, evidencing a clear masculine bias. On average, five women appear profiled for each one hundred men (GPI = 0.05). The combination of the variables “mode” and “location” and their indicators “profiled” and “main body” allowed us to identify who the principal characters are in the textbooks. Out of a total of 353 principal social actors, only sixteen are women. This means that males are the protagonists in 95.46 percent of the material, resulting in a significant masculine bias (GPI = 0.05) and a very low equity (GEI = 0.09) score.
The mode and location of social actors in textual content.
| Women | Men | Total | % Women | % Men | GEI | GPI | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Spain | Profiled | 13 | 208 | 221 | 5.88 | 94.12 | 0.12 | 0.06 | |
| Mode | Cited | 9 | 104 | 113 | 7.96 | 92.04 | 0.16 | 0.09 | |
| Work | 0 | 38 | 38 | 0 | 100 | 0.00 | 0.00 | ||
| Main body | 15 | 258 | 273 | 5.49 | 94.51 | 0.11 | 0.06 | ||
| Location | Activities | 4 | 24 | 28 | 14.29 | 85.71 | 0.29 | 0.17 | |
| Annexes | 5 | 68 | 73 | 6.85 | 93.15 | 0.14 | 0.07 | ||
| Portugal | Profiled | 13 | 237 | 250 | 5.2 | 94.8 | 0.10 | 0.05 | |
| Mode | Cited | 11 | 124 | 135 | 8.15 | 91.85 | 0.16 | 0.09 | |
| Work | 2 | 61 | 63 | 3.17 | 96.83 | 0.06 | 0.03 | ||
| Main body | 21 | 332 | 353 | 5.95 | 94.05 | 0.12 | 0.06 | ||
| Location | Activities | 9 | 149 | 158 | 5.7 | 94.3 | 0.11 | 0.06 | |
| Annexes | – | – | – | – | – | – | – |
Another relevant mode in which social actors appear in textbooks is via their original works, that is to say, their contributions to society, which may be visual, musical, or written. A scrutiny of the textbooks revealed a total of 101 original works, of which 98.02 percent are by masculine authors. While the Spanish textbook did not show any works by female authors, the Portuguese textbook presented work by the archaeologist Adília Alarcão in the main body of the book and a work by the author Suzanne Chantal in the “Activities” section. This demonstrates that there does not seem to have been any concern to show that the world of culture and arts belongs to women as well as men. This absence of female authorship only serves to weaken the social position of women, giving the impression that their works have not contributed in any meaningful way to Spanish and Portuguese literary and cultural traditions.37
When analyzing iconographic content, we evaluated the status conferred on social actors by their placement within the image. Placement in the foreground is an important factor in the status attributed to characters in the textbooks. Out of a total of 348 social actors seen in the foreground, only twenty are women in the Spanish textbook, while in the Portuguese textbook we found thirteen women (Table 5). This tells us that there are approximately ten female for every one hundred males (GPI = 0.10), attesting to a very low equity (GEI = 0.19) score.
The location of social actors in iconographic content.
| Women | Men | Total | % Women | % Men | GEI | GPI | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Spain | Foreground | 20 | 141 | 161 | 12.42 | 87.58 | 0.25 | 0.14 |
| Public sphere | 56 | 559 | 615 | 9.11 | 90.89 | 0.18 | 0.10 | |
| Portugal | Foreground | 13 | 174 | 187 | 6.95 | 93.05 | 0.14 | 0.07 |
| Public sphere | 47 | 602 | 649 | 7.24 | 92.76 | 0.14 | 0.08 |
Another aspect of the images is their relation to the public sphere, which refers to the realm in which social interaction takes place along with debate and discussion on matters of general interest. This is the domain in which individuals exercise their rights and participate actively in social, cultural, and political matters that affect society at large. In addition to political activities, the public sphere encompasses economic activities and other forms of interaction whose influence is felt in the collective domain. Of the social actors that our textbooks show represented in the public sphere (n = 1,264), only 103 were female (Table 5). The results show a glaring lack of gender equity (GEI = 0.16), with an approximate proportion of nine women for every one hundred men (GPI = 0.09). It is quite clear that a more balanced level of inclusion and representation of women in the public sphere is necessary if we are ever to see their equitable participation and representation therein.
With regard to the activation of the social actors in school discourse, we found that of the characters exhibiting active conduct (n = 1,087), the majority (981) are male. However, in this respect, the differences between the textbooks of the two countries are important. Whereas the Spanish book shows approximately fifteen women exhibiting active conduct for every one hundred men (GPI = 0.15), which gives as a result a low equity factor (GEI = 0.27), the Portuguese textbook reveals a clear masculine bias in terms of gender parity, with only five active female characters per one hundred males (GPI = 0.05), resulting in a very low equity score (GEI = 0.09). In general, there is a clear tendency to represent men as social actors in active, dynamic, and busy situations. Women, in contrast, tend to be portrayed in a more romantic, contemplative light; representations in which they exhibit passive conduct are 13.91 percent more frequent than corresponding representations of men. These differences in the representation of characters’ conduct indicate the persistence of gender stereotypes in the material used in the classroom. Such stereotypes limit the range of roles and conduct attributed to both sexes, reinforcing preconceived notions about their roles in society.
The textbooks used for this study contain a significant number of cultural references (n = 640) (Table 6). These are historical figures who help us respond to questions such as “Who has done what?” and “Why is the world as it is?” In our textbooks, only 2.97 percent of these figures are women. In the case of Portugal, we find a greater number of female cultural references, almost all of whom (with the exception of the authors cited above, Adília Alarcão and Suzanne Chantal) are royalty (Beatrice of Portugal, Dulce of Aragon, Isabel of Herédia, Leonor of Portugal, Luísa de Gusmão, Margaret of Savoy, Maria I of Portugal, Maria II of Portugal, and Teresa of Portugal). Only two references appear in the Spanish textbook (Queens Isabel I of Castile and Petronila I of Aragón).
Cultural references in textbooks.
| Women | Men | Total | % Women | % Men | GEI | GPI | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Spain | Textual content | 2 | 154 | 156 | 1.28 | 98.72 | 0.03 | 0.01 |
| Iconographic content | 2 | 43 | 45 | 4.44 | 95.56 | 0.09 | 0.05 | |
| Portugal | Textual content | 11 | 365 | 376 | 2.93 | 97.07 | 0.06 | 0.03 |
| Iconographic content | 4 | 59 | 63 | 6.35 | 93.65 | 0.13 | 0.07 |
Another important aspect of the way these female cultural references are represented has to do with their identification based on their familial relationship with males rather than on their functionalization. For example, one Portuguese history textbook refers to Catherine of Braganza exclusively in the context of her marriage: “In an effort to stabilize the situation of the kingdom, a policy of alliances was undertaken, one of the most prominent of these being the marriage of the infant D. Catarina to King Charles II of England in 1661.”38 We did find an exception in the figure of Teresa of Portugal who, in the same textbook, stands out for having taken over “the rule of the Portuguese country.”39 Unfortunately, the discourse also questions the leadership capacity of women and focuses on the discontent of the populace with their government. For example, we learn that “because of the insanity of Maria I, her son João effectively assumed control of the government”40 and that “the Portuguese people felt no great admiration for Queen Leonor.”41
The masculine characters present in the textbooks are shown in a broad range of areas and include noteworthy historical figures covered in the subject of social studies. Among these are members of various monarchies, including Alfonso III of Portugal, Philip II of Macedon, and Fernando II of Aragón. Social actors in the humanities abound as well, including Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, Miguel Delibes, Luís de Camões, and Sophocles. In the area of science, we learn of James Watt and Pedro Nunes; in the field of art, Phidias of Athens and Mirón of Eleuteras; in the religious sphere, Francisco de Asís; in the political, Ramalho Eanes, and in other areas (such as navigation), Cristopher Columbus and Vasco da Gama. Masculine cultural references tend to be presented as representative, symbolic figures; they are “founders,” “creators,” and discoverers” and are “distinguished.” They stand out mainly for having conquered territories won in battle or by maritime expeditions. Yet we also find mention of their contributions to education and social well-being. For example, we learn that “João VI created the Lisbon Academy of Fine Arts in 1836.”42
As our analysis of the material revealed, each social actor, whether a cultural reference or not, carries out certain functions in society, which implies assuming a role. Roles and social status, which are closely linked and respond to society's needs, are associated in turn with a system of rights and obligations. In the material analyzed here, the family stands out prominently as one of the basic social groups, and love and respect for the family are presented as important values to transmit. According to one textbook, “parents must ensure the care, love, and education of their children, who in turn should respond with love and respect.”43 In this institution, we find the origins of the gender-based division of work. While the textbook acknowledges the importance of the (reproductive) work in the home,44 it is the arduous exterior (productive) work that is glorified above all.
Their father worked in the fields. His work was grueling . . . one day he said that they would all move to Madrid, that he had found work in a factory on the outskirts of the capital. He could make more money and the work would not be as tiring.45
Our school textbooks reveal a dichotomy in gender and professional roles depending on the gender of the social actors shown. On the one hand, and in line with existing research on the topic,46 we can observe the way in which the discourse assigns different psychosocial attributes in depicting the physical, psychological, intellectual, and social qualities of the characters based on their gender roles. The textbooks examined here confer on female characters stereotypically feminine qualities such as friendliness, sweetness, sensitivity, submissiveness, intuitiveness, fragility, dependence, prudence, maternalism, timidity, beauty, passiveness, and curiosity. Men, on the other hand, are accorded stereotypically masculine qualities such as rigor, audacity, independence, and bravery, and are further associated with intellect, authority, solidarity, paternity, severity, activity, generosity, and self-confidence.
In the school discourse discussed here, we find a significant number of social actors represented in the socioeconomic realm based on their professional role or functionalization (n = 1,117, Table 7). However, it is significant that only 8.15 percent of these actors are women (n = 91), a proportion that differs significantly from the sociological reality of the Iberian countries during the transition to democracy in terms of feminine economic activity (which was 29 percent in Spain and 39 percent in Portugal). The textual content contains a total of 254 social actors associated with their profession, of which a mere 6.69 percent (n = 17) are female. This produces a low gender equity value in the functionalization of characters (GEI = 0.13) and implies that for every one hundred men there are approximately seven women (GPI = 0.07).
Functionalization of social actors in textbooks.
| Women | Men | Total | % Women | % Men | GEI | GPI | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Spain | Textual content | 6 | 98 | 104 | 5.77 | 94.23 | 0.12 | 0.06 |
| Iconographic content | 61 | 343 | 404 | 15.1 | 84.9 | 0.30 | 0.18 | |
| Portugal | Textual content | 11 | 139 | 150 | 7.33 | 92.67 | 0.15 | 0.08 |
| Iconographic content | 13 | 446 | 459 | 2.83 | 97.17 | 0.06 | 0.03 |
An examination of the iconographic content reveals 863 productive social actors, of which 91.43 percent are male (Table 7). The seventy-four female workers shown point to a slightly more balanced representation in comparison to the textual content. We also found that the proportion of female workers shown in the Spanish textbook is 12.27 points greater than that of its Portuguese counterpart. Specifically, the Spanish textbook has a low equity score, with approximately eighteen female workers for every one hundred men. The GEI of the Portuguese textbook is very low, attesting to a flagrant masculine bias, with scarcely three women shown for every one hundred men.
This gender inequality becomes even more acute if we turn our attention to the limited number of different professional roles assigned to women in the discourse (n = 19) as compared to men (n = 183). This reveals the dual dilemma that has traditionally characterized the gender-based division of labor. On the one hand, we have a horizontal segregation in which female characters are excluded from certain economic sectors, such as the primary sector, where only five women are shown (10.15 percent, Table 8). A comparison of these results with economic data from the transition period in both countries evidences the way these textbooks fail to reflect the reality of men or women in the workplace. For example, there is a clear overrepresentation of men in the tertiary sector. The data also shows a vertical segregation, that is, a tendency to assign to masculine characters professional roles of greater status and social prestige (president, engineer, scientist, general executive), while women are more often depicted in roles associated with less training and social prestige, often in the areas of caretaking, teaching, and the arts.
Economic sectors of the social actors segregated by gender in textbooks.
| Spain | Portugal | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Primary | Secondary | Tertiary | Primary | Secondary | Tertiary | |
| % Women | 4.92 | 59.02 | 36.07 | 15.38 | 23.08 | 61.54 |
| % Men | 14.29 | 13.70 | 72.01 | 14.57 | 4.93 | 80.49 |
Conclusion
From a historical perspective, the transition period to democracy provided a framework for the advancement of Spanish and Portuguese women in many areas, and especially in the socioeconomic domain. Female participation in these countries’ economies during this time reached nearly 29 percent in Spain and 39 percent in Portugal. Despite the progress made and the profound changes that took place in both societies, structural aspects in social thought and attitudes persisted, reinforcing traditional gender stereotypes, as is revealed in school discourse from the time.
School textbooks are a valuable source for research in the field of the history of education. They afford us a view of the social, political, and cultural ideals and visions of a given era. Our findings from this study attest to the pervasiveness of patriarchal gender roles in the representation of social actors in didactic material, with differences that do not correspond to the social reality of these countries at the time. Particularly egregious is the depiction of women in the workforce, which in these textbooks is given at an extremely low 8 percent.
School discourse also silenced female contributions to sociohistorical developments. From a profound intersectional feminist perspective, our study reveals a concerning overrepresentation of white male social actors in textbooks. This underscores the critical urgency for a comprehensive and intersectional approach to textbook development. This approach must conscientiously account for various dimensions of identity, incorporating aspects related to race and colonial history. Its objective is to offer a more faithful and resonant portrayal of the multifaceted identities and lived experiences of people within society.46
Textbooks portray and transmit models that influence the formation of pupils’ personal identities and their configuration of future social roles. This has enormous implications for the construction of individual identity,47 as it is via schoolbooks (as agents of socialization) that generations from this recent era learned of two clearly distinct models of masculinity and femininity, each with its specific interests, expectations, and professions.
We can see, therefore, the way that the persistence of authoritarian mentalities, habits, and attitudes perpetuated stereotypes regarding masculinity and femininity in school textbooks, which it would presumably take longer to eradicate. There was evidently a considerable way to go in order to achieve a fairer, more equitable representation of social actors and to foster a greater understanding of the capabilities and roles of men and women that a truly democratic society requires.
Finally, this research delves into the intricate relationship between school textbooks and gender bias, a topic of paramount significance in education and societal development. However, it is essential to note that while this study has not directly observed individuals’ reactions to biased representations, a promising avenue for further investigation lies in assessing the long-term effects of such sexism. Historical evidence indicates that such biases can endure for generations, impacting a nation's socioeconomic and cultural landscape.48 By examining the state of each country decades later, we can link biased textbooks to their ongoing societal evolution, showcasing the enduring influence of these biases on the course of history.50 In order to make informed policy decisions and curriculum improvements, it is essential to understand the lasting effects of education on individuals and society. In addressing the persistent impact of biased textbooks, we take a significant step toward shaping a future marked by equality, opportunity, and social progress.
Notes
Tiziana Ramaci, Caterina Ledda, . . . , and Venerando Rapisarda, “Gender Stereotypes in Occupational Choices: A Cross-Sectional Study on a Group of Italian Adolescents,” Psychology Research and Behavior Management 10 (2017): 109–117, doi:10.2147/PRBM.S134132.
Nuria Garreta and Pilar Careaga, Modelos masculinos y femeninos en los textos de EGB [Masculine and feminine models in EGB texts] (Madrid: Instituto de la Mujer, 1987); Ivone Leal, “A imagen femenina nos manuais escolares” [The feminine image in school textbooks], Cadernos Condição Feminina 11 (1979): 1–85, here 60.
This interesting line of study begun by the authors was continued in Ana M. De la Torre and Virginia Guichot, “The Influence of School Textbooks on theConfiguration of Gender Identity: A Study on the Unequal Representation of Women and Men in the School Discourse during the Spanish Democracy,” Teaching and Teacher Education 117, no. 103810 (2022): 1–13, doi:10.1016/ j.tate.2022.103810. In this study, we have adopted an international perspective, which allows us to make a comparative analysis with Portugal. Furthermore, we expand our analytical instruments by examining textual as well as iconographic content as they are used to present social actors in the textbooks.
Santos Juliá, Javier Pradera, and Joaquín Prieto, Memoria de la Transición [Memory of the transition] (Madrid: Taurus, 1996); Victoria Prego, Así se hizo la Transición [How the transition was carried out] (Barcelona: Plaza & Janés, 1995); António Costa, ed., Portugal Contemporâneo [Contemporary Portugal] (Lisbon: D. Quixote, 2005); António Reis, ed., Portugal: 20 Anos de Democracia [Portugal: Twenty years of democracy] (Lisbon: Temas & Debates, 1996).
Carmen Sarasúa and Carme Molinero, “Trabajo y niveles de vida en el franquismo: Un estado de la cuestión desde una perspectiva de género” [Work and standards of living under Francoism: The state of the question from a gender perspective], in La historia de las mujeres: Perspectivas actuales [The history of women: Current perspectives], ed. Cristina Borderías (Barcelona: Icaria, 2009), 309–354, here 315; Maria del Rosario Ruiz, ¿Eternas menores? Las mujeres en el franquismo [Eternal minors? Women under Francoism] (Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva, 2007); Anne Cova and António Costa, “O Salazarismo e as mulheres: uma abordagem comparativa” [Salazarism and women: A comparative approach], Penélope: revista de histórica e ciencias sociais 17 (1997): 71–75, https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=2656445.
Maria Cristina Pérez, “A mulher no direito internacional: Compilação de instrumentos internacionais relacionados com a condição femenina” [Women in international law: A compilation of international instruments related to the feminine condition], Cadernos Condição Feminina 13 (1980): 1–160.
Matilde Alonso and Elies Furió, “El papel de la mujer en la sociedad española” [The role of the woman in Spanish society], Economía, Treball i Territori 19 (2007): 25–32, https://shs.hal.science/file/index/docid/133674/filename/El_papel_de_la_mujer_en_la_sociedad_espanola.pdf.
Esperanza Bautista, “Mujer y democracia en España: evolución jurídica y realidad social” [Women and democracy in Spain: Legal evolution and social reality], Documentación Social 105 (1996): 49–73, here 55.
CIG (Comissão para a Cidadania e a Igualdade de Género), “History,” https://www.cig.gov.pt/area-a-cig/historia-da-cig (accessed 21 May 2023).
Carlota Coronado and Elena Galán, “Mujer y ámbito laboral en la ficción española sobre la Transición” [Women and the labor sphere in Spanish fiction dealing with the transition], Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales 35, no. 1 (2017): 209–225, doi:10.5209/CRLA.54990; António Barreto, “Populaçao e sociedade” [Population and society], in A busca da democracia 1960-2000 [The search for democracy 1960-2000], ed. Antonio Costa Pinto (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre, 2015), 113-145, here 124.
INE (Instituto Nacional de Estadística, España), “Encuesta de población activa” [Survey of the active population], https://www.ine.es/dyngs/INEbase/es/operacion.htm?c=Estadistica_C&cid=1254736176918&menu=resultados&idp=1254735976595 (accessed 8 May 2023); INE (Instituto Nacional de Estatística, Portugal), “Estatísticas Mercado de trabalho” [Statistics of the workforce], https://www.ine.pt/xportal/xmain?xpgid=ine_tema&xpid=INE&tema_cod=1114 (accessed 8 May 2023).
Bautista, “Mujer,” 72.
S. Lezcano, “Tontas útiles desde la EGB” [Useful fools, starting in primary school], Cuadernos de psicología 11–12 (1977): 40–46, here 40; Anne-Marie, “A discriminaçao sexual dos papéis sociais nos manuais portugueses de aprendizagem da leitura” [Sexual discrimination in social roles in Portuguese reading textbooks], Revista Potuguesa de Pedagogia 11 (1977): 25–38, here 30.
Justino Magalhaes, “Una nota sobre la Historia del manual escolar: Entre la producción y la representación” [A note on the history of the school textbook: From production to presentation], in Manuales Escolares: estatuto, funciones, historia [School textbooks: Status, functions, history], ed. Rui V. de Castro, A. Rodrígues, J. L. Silva and M. L. Dionísio de Sousa (Braga: Universidad de Minho, 1999), 279–302.
Teun Van Dijk, “Análisis crítico del discurso” [Critical discourse analysis], Revista Austral de Ciencias Sociales 30 (2016): 203–222, doi:10.4206/rev.austral .cienc.soc.2016.n30-10.
Maria Isabel Barreno, O falso neutro: um estudo sobre a discriminação sexual no ensino [The false neutral: A study of sexual discrimination in education] (Lisbon: Instituto de Estudos para o Desenvolvimento, 1985).
Teun Van Dijk, “La multidisciplinariedad del análisis crítico del discurso: un alegato en favor de la diversidad” [The multidisciplinarianism of critical discourse analysis: A call for diversity], in Métodos de análisis crítico del discurso [Methods of critical discourse analysis], ed. Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer (Barcelona: Gedisa, 2003), 143–176.
Michael Apple, Manuais escolares e trabalho docente: uma economia política de relações de classe e de género na Educação [School textbooks and teaching: A political economy of class and gender relationships in education] (Lisbon: Plátano Editora, 2002).
Maria C. Radich, Temas de História em livros escolares [History topics in school textbooks] (Porto: Edições Afrontamento, 1979).
In this study, we take the human being to be a social entity in permanent interaction with others, that is, living in society. See Diego López, El medio ambiente [The environment] (Madrid: Cátedra, 2001); and Michel Foucault, L'archéologie du savoir [The archeology of knowledge] (Paris: Gallimard, 1969).
Maria G. Sole, “A história nos manuais escolares do ensino primário em Portugal: representações sociais ea construção de identidade(s)” [History in primary school textbooks in Portugal: Social representations and the constructions of identity(ies)], Historia y memoria de la educación 6 (2017): 89–127, doi:10.5944/hme.6.2017.17128.
During this period, primary education in both countries encompassed ages six to fourteen. In Spain, EGB initially consisted of two stages (first stage: years 1 to 5, second stage: years 6 to 8) and three “cycles”: Initial (years oneand two), Middle (years three to five), and Superior (years six to eight). In Portugal, Basic Education (Enseñanza Básica) was organized into two stages, each one lasting four years. These were known as Ensino Primário and Ensino Preparatório. For this study, we used as our reference year 6, which has its equivalent in traditional primary education.
The Anaya publishing house was a leader in the textbook market during the transition and was responsible for 28 percent of all titles published. See David Silva, Mercedes Muñoz-Repiso, and Maria Ros García, Los textos escolares de EGB: encuesta al profesorado [School textbooks in EGB: A teachers’ survey] (Madrid: INCIE, 1976).
In the 1970s, the publisher Porto Editora had a market share of educational books close to 50 percent. See Porto Editora, “Sobre nós – Historial” [About us: A history], http://www.portoeditora.pt/sobrenos/index/index/tema/historial (accessed 9 June 2023).
Theo Van Leeuwen, “The Representation of Social Actors,” in Texts and Practices: Readings in Critical Discourse Analysis, ed. Carmen R. Caldas and Malcolm Couthard (London: Routledge, 1996), 32–70.
Theo Van Leeuwen, Discourse and Practice: New Tools for Critical Discourse Analysis (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 6.
Van Leeuwen, “The Representation of Social Actors,” 38.
Stefan Rädiker and Udo Kuckartz, Análisis de Datos Cualitativos con MAXQDA: Texto, Audio, Vídeo [Qualitative data analysis with MAXQDA: Text, audio, and video] (Berlin: MAXQDA Press, 2020).
Kimberly A. Neuendorf, “Content Analysis: A Methodological Primer for Gender Research,” Sex Roles 64, no. 3 (2011): 276–289, doi:10.1007/s11199-010-9893-0.
Gunther Kress and Theo Van Leeuwen, “Front Pages: (The Critical) Analysis of Newspaper Layout,” in Approaches to Media Discourse, ed. Allan Bell and Peter Garrett (London: Blackwell, 1998), 186–219.
Van Leeuwen, “The Representation of Social Actors,” 32–70.
Ruth Wodak, “De qué trata el análisis crítico del discurso (ACD)? Resumen de su historia, sus conceptos fundamentales y sus desarrollos” [What is critical discourse analysis (CDA) about? An overview of its history, its fundamental concepts, and its development], in Métodos de análisis crítico del discurso [Methods of critical discourse analysis], ed. Ruth Wodak and Michael Meyer (Barcelona: Gedisa, 2003), 17–33.
Gastón Quintela-Dávila and Catalina Covacevich, Desigualdad de género: el currículo oculto en textos escolares chilenos [Gender inequality: The hidden curriculum in Chilean school textbooks] (Chile: Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo División de Educación, 2014).
López-Navajas, “Las mujeres,” 100–103.
Anthony Giddens, Sociología [Sociology] (Lisbon: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1997).
Teresa Castro and Rui M. Ramos, “Childhood Represented in the Textbook: Types of Texts and Social Stereotypes,” Revista Brasileira de Educaçao 22, no. 71 (2017): 1–21, doi:10.1590/s1413-24782017227177.
Ana M. De la Torre and Virginia Guichot, “Referentes literarios en los manuales escolares de la España democrática: diagnóstico del androcentrismomediante el Análisis Crítico del Discurso” [Literary references in school textbooks under Spanish democracy: A diagnosis of androcentrism through critical discourse analysis], Paedagogica Histórica 59, no. 1 (2023): 145–170, doi:10.1080/00309230.2022.2137817.
Costa et al., História de Portugal, 151.
Ibid., 201.
Ibid., 205.
Ibid., 182.
Ibid., 182.
Prats et al., Ciencias Sociales 6º, 12.
Ibid.
Ibid., 66.
Eugénio Brandão, “Estereotipos em manuais escolares: Esboço sociológico sobre a discriminação sexual nos programas de aprendizagem ada leitura” [Stereotypes in school textbooks: A sociological sketch of sexual discrimination in reading and literacy programs], Cadernos Condição Feminina 9 (1979): 3–53, here 25.
bell hooks, Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom (New York: Routledge, 1994).
Stereotypes present in educational material influence feelings of self-efficacy, self-esteem, and self-confidence, as well as the outcome of the expectations and interests of the pupils. In other words, they exert an influence on all of the basic components of the social cognitive career theory that guide pupils’ academic and professional choices, keeping many women from developing their full potential. These are the conclusions laid out in Jacquelynne Eccles's expectancy value theory. See Robert W. Lent, Steven D. Brown, and Gail Hackett, “Toward a Unifying Social Cognitive Theory of Career and Academic Interest, Choice, and Performance,” Journal of Vocational Behavior 45 (1994): 79–122, doi:10.1006/jvbe.1994.1027; and Jacquelynne S. Eccles and Allan Wigfield, “Motivational Beliefs, Values, and Goals,” Annual Review of Psychology 53, no. 1 (2002): 109–132, doi:10.1146/annurev .psych.53.100901.135153.
Cristina Borderías and Lina Gálvez-Muñoz, “Cambios y continuidades en las desigualdades de género: Notas para una agenda de investigación” [Changes and continuities in gender inequalities: Notes for a research agenda], Areas: Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales 33 (2014): 7–15, https://revistas.um.es/areas/article/view/215881.
De la Torre and Guichot, “The Influence of School Textbooks,” 10–11.
Textbook Bibliography
Costa, Fátima, Pimentel Madalena, and António Marques. História de Portugal [History of Portugal]. Porto: Porto Editora, 1981.
Prats, Joaquín, Castelló J. Emilio, . . . , and María Antonia Loste. Ciencias Sociales 6º [Social sciences 6º]. Madrid: Anaya, 1981.