Introduction
Traditionally and historically, Muslim students have been one of the most important agents of distributing Islamic thinking and religious practices in Indonesia. Indonesian Muslim students who studied Islam in the Middle East and North Africa have also played an enormous role in introducing, spreading, developing, and transforming Islamic knowledge, ideas, and practices, as well as Arab Middle Eastern cultures into the Indonesian society (e.g., Roff 1970; Abaza 1990; Azra 1992). Although there are non-religious developments concerning the influence of the Middle East in Indonesia (e.g., business, economy, or politics), the greatest impact has been in the areas of Islamic practice, cultures, and religious education. This is mainly because Saudi Arabia and Indonesia have long-established educational and religious contacts (Hurgronje 1970; Rachman 1997; Basri 1997), which date to before the establishment of diplomatic and business relations between the two countries (Al Qurtuby and Aldamer 2018). For centuries, Indonesian Muslims have traveled to Saudi Arabia, either to perform pilgrimage or pursue Islamic knowledge, or more recently (since the 1980s), to seek jobs.
However, despite the long history of Saudi Arabian–Indonesian contact and the enormous role played by Saudi Arabia–trained Indonesian Muslim students, there is limited academic writing (in English) on this theme, with a few notable exceptions (e.g., Azra 2004). Despite overwhelming media coverage on the negative news of the kingdom's Indonesian menial laborers, until now, Indonesian Muslim students have remained a largely unreported and under-researched diaspora in the Arab Middle East, including Saudi Arabia. This article attempts to fill this gap.
This article is based on and developed from my previous research and fieldwork in Saudi Arabia. It examines the history and contemporary developments of Indonesian Muslim students in Saudi Arabia; discusses their plurality and complexity; and explores their role in shaping Muslim education, cultures, and civilization. It also attempts to identify the root causes and various motives of this group for seeking sciences (religious and secular) and pursuing knowledge in the region; to understand whether their travel is motivated by social, economic, and political reasons, holy or religious/Islamic concerns, or inevitably mixed reasons—a combination of profane and sacred rationales. Lastly, it also scrutinizes the transnational and local significance of rihla (i.e., a trip for knowledge) and explores how this particular journey has heightened a universal sense of “being Muslim” while also inspiring the redefinition of the frontiers of sect, language, territory, and nation.
Anthropological studies of travel in Muslim societies, such as those conducted by Eickelman and Piscatori (1990), formed the theoretical foundations of this article, especially with reference to examining the nature, plurality, and complexity of Muslim travelers, including those who were and are in search of knowledge and sciences. The article also benefited from Edward Said's (1983) “travelling theory,” which states that the idea and concept travel varies from person to person, situation to situation, or one period to another, and that it does not exist in a socio-historical vacuum. Thus, it is acknowledged that the concept of travel also changes in response to specific historical and social changes. In this regard, this study not only investigates the role of human agency (i.e., students or alumni) but also the historical dynamics and socio-cultural shifts in both Saudi Arabia and Indonesia, which might together contribute to the changes and developments of Indonesia's Islamic schooling and cultures.
Examining the shifting dynamics and transformation of the idea of Islamic education and cultures through the lens of those students’ and alumni's thoughts and activities is fundamental since they have served as carriers, transformers, and transmitters who functioned as an agent of knowledge and a vehicle of changing notions of sciences and knowledge. By examining their complex thoughts and activities, we will know how the process of knowledge production and cultural reproduction of Islamic education and cultures takes place in different times and social settings. Anthropologist Dale Eickelman (1992) calls this approach “social biography,” which allows a researcher to explore the themes of the study in contextual detail, without losing view of more general issues of historical and social thought. Accordingly, this article is based on these theoretical frameworks and approaches.
Lack of Literature on Saudi Arabia's Indonesian Students
Existing literature on Indonesians in Saudi Arabia or the links between Indonesia and Saudi Arabia focuses on at least three main themes. The first topic concerns the enormous influences of Mecca-trained Indonesian Islamic scholars in the past centuries, which shaped the Islamic teachings, discourses, and Muslim practices in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago (e.g., Azra 1992, 1995, 2004; Laffan 2011; Basri 1997; Rachman 1997). Azyumardi Azra, for instance, examined the transmission of Islamic reformation to Indonesia by examining the intellectual networks of the Middle Eastern, particularly Haramain (Mecca and Medina), and Indonesian Malay ulama (Islamic scholars) in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. He argued that, among other things, the Haramain-trained Indonesian religious scholars contributed to Islamic discourses and religious practices in the archipelago (Azra 1992, 2004). Following Azra's study, Basri (1997) investigated Indonesian ulama in the Haramain and the transmission of reformist Islam in Indonesia from 1800 to 1990, while Rachman (1997) examined the contributions of Mecca-trained Indonesian Islamic scholars to the establishment of Java's oldest and most-respected Islamic boarding schools (known as pesantren) during the 1850s to 1950s.
The second theme is related to the role of Saudi-trained Indonesian students and scholars in the introduction, spread, and growth of the so-called Salafi da'wa movement and some forms of puritanical and reformist Islam in Indonesia (Hasan 2005; Bubalo, Phillips, and Yasmeen 2011; cf. Noer 1973). In recent years, particularly since the downfall of the dictatorial Indonesian President Suharto in 1998, the country has witnessed the appearance of young men wearing long beards (lihya), Arab-style flowing robes (jalabiyya or thawab in Saudi), turbans (imama), and trousers right to their ankles (isbal). Indonesia has also witnessed women wearing an abaya-type black cloak (a robe-like dress), along with a niqab (i.e., a cloth that covers the face as part of the sartorial hijab). Identifying themselves as Salafis, these particular Muslim groups are inclined to stand distinctly apart from societies around them. At first, the “Salafi movement” adopted a stance of apolitical quietism, but in recent years, the Salafis have introduced a new trend in Islamic activism in the country (Hasan 2005: 263–281).
The third theme examines the experiences of male menial labor and domestic female workers living and working in harsh informal economic sectors. Extant studies usually discuss issues such as the transnational connection of migration, domestication of laborers, gendered work, workers’ economic contributions to their families, and exploitation of workers, among others (e.g., Silvey 2004, 2006, 2007; Amjad 1996; Ananta et al. 1998; Tirtosudarmo 2000; Machmudi 2011). More specifically, research and scholarship typically discuss female housemaids in relation to issues such as difficult working and living conditions, human rights violation, sexual assault, non-payment of wages, overwork, or their roles in supporting their family expenses and economies in the country of origin. Consequently, this narrow emphasis on unskilled menial laborers and domestic female workers neglects the vitality of Saudi Arabia or the Middle East as a strategic target for realizing Islamic educational dreams, religious purposes, entrepreneurial ambitions, and middle class aspirations.
Some studies have examined the experiences of Indonesian students and their contributions in Indonesia upon completing their study in the Arab Middle East; however, these studies have been limited to Egypt (e.g., Roff 1970; Abaza 1990; Laffan 2004) and Yemen (Bubalo, Phillips, and Yasmeen 2011). Following William Roff's model of research on Indonesian and Malay Muslim students in Cairo during the 1920s, Mona Abaza (1990) and Michael Laffan (2004) continued the study of Indonesian Muslim students in Egypt in the contemporary era. Like Roff, Abaza and Laffan shed some light on the vitality of Cairo in general, and al-Azhar in particular, as a center for religious learning that attracts Muslim students from all over the world.
Anthony Bubalo, Sarah Phillips, and Samina Yasmeen (2011) conducted a preliminary study on Indonesian students in Pakistan and Yemen. Their study aimed to understand whether the presence of Indonesian students in Islamic schools in Pakistan and Yemen posed a risk, either in terms of radicalization or in the formation (re-formation) of direct contacts between Indonesian extremist groups and counterparts (such as al-Qaeda) in these countries. It also outlined the nature of Pakistan's and Yemen's schools that Indonesian students attended.
Saudi Arabia as a Center of Islamic Learning for Indonesian Students
The Arab Middle East is quite distinctive as compared with other places that have also been home to Indonesian students seeking Islamic learning. Even though, over the past few decades, other countries have emerged as destinations for Islamic education (e.g., Malaysia, Turkey, or even Western countries such as Australia, the United States, and some Western European countries), some Muslim groups, particularly students with Salafi or Islamic traditionalist backgrounds, still consider the Middle East a prestigious site to study Islam.
For centuries, a small but substantial number of Indonesian Muslim students have traveled to the Arab Middle East to study at a variety of Islamic institutions, ranging from leading centers of Islamic learning, such as al-Azhar University in Egypt, to informal madrasah or mosque-based schools in Mecca (and Medina), making the two regions the most common and popular learning sites. Thanks to the fame of the Masjid al-Haram and Al-Azhar University (but also Madrasah Dar al-Ulum, now part of Cairo University, known as Faculty of Dar al-Ulum), Mecca and Cairo have long enjoyed prestige among students. Alumni of Mecca and Cairo have also played a major role in the creation, spread, and development of Islamic education, social organizations, religious movements, and other activities related to Muslim politics and cultures in the Indonesian society.
Saudi Arabia is distinct and exceptional among other Middle Eastern countries that have also hosted several students of Islam, including Egypt, Morocco, Sudan, Yemen, and Tunisia. In fact, Saudi Arabia has long been a source of learning, knowledge, spirituality, and religious wisdom for multitudes of Muslims across the world, and not only Indonesians. Though many observers and international media have routinely characterized the kingdom as being “the most religiously fanatical, socially conservative, and politically oppressive” (Johnson 2010: 2), Saudi Arabia is the world's fifth favorite travel and transnational migration destination.
Saudi Arabia is distinctive due to several reasons. First, it is the only country in which students from the Malay-Indonesian archipelago have sought Islamic knowledge and sciences for centuries, particularly in the two holy cities of Mecca and Medina. Indeed, long before the nineteenth century, Indonesian Muslims have been making the long journey to Mecca (Azra 1992, 2004).
The second reason is that Saudi Arabia, unlike other countries in the Middle East, is blessed with the presence of Ka'bah (also referred as al-Ka'bah al-Musharrafah, which Muslims believe to be the House of God), a cubical structure at the center of Islam's most important mosque, Masjid al-Haram, which has been Islam's most sacred site. Additionally, Mecca, where the Ka'bah and Masjid al-Haram are located, is the birthplace of Islam and Prophet Muhammad. Understandably, several Muslims across the globe, including students from the African continent to South and Southeast Asia, have dreamt of visiting Mecca. By studying Islam in this holy land, Muslims could also perform hajj, umra, and other religious rituals in Masjid Haram (Haram Mosque) in Mecca, as well as visit Medina to conduct ritual practices at Masjid Nabawi (Nabawi Mosque) and ziyara at Prophet Muhammad's shrine.
In Islam, travel embarked upon in search of knowledge is called rihla, and the desire of Muslims to pursue knowledge in remote areas like Saudi Arabia or Egypt cannot be separated from this concept. In Islam, the notion of rihla or thalab al-ilm (pursuing knowledge) is very strong, as it is endorsed by the Qur'an and Hadith. Accordingly, the process of teaching–learning (ta'allum) through both formal and informal education has historically and traditionally become a part of Muslim culture and habits (Eickleman and Piscatori 1990; Abaza 1994). Several Muslims have been keen to establish a variety of learning centers and educational institutions as a means of knowledge transformation and distribution (Hefner and Zaman 2007; Eickleman 1992). Islam considers rihla and ta'allum not only as methods of seeking knowledge and wisdom but also seeking God's rewards (makafiyat), which could guarantee seekers entry into Paradise after their death. Thus, the concepts of rihla and ta'allum are linked with the idea of tabarrukan (seeking blessings from God) and ridha (Allah compliance) (Abaza 1991, 1994; Roff 1970).
Contact between the Arabian Peninsula and Malay-Indonesian archipelago has existed for centuries (Freitag and Clarence-Smith 1997; Azra 1992). Both regions have established relationships long before European colonials landed in the archipelago, which continue to date, albeit for different reasons and purposes. Historically, Arabs, particularly Arab-Hadramis from southern Arabia, traveled to Indonesia mainly for trade, living, or Islamic propagation (da'wa). Indonesians, by contrast, voyaged to Saudi Arabia to perform hajj pilgrimage, conduct religious activities in the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina, and learn Islamic knowledge and sciences in the birthplace of Islam and Prophet Muhammad PBUH (Ho 2006; van den Berg 1989; Jacobson 2009; Laffan 2011).
Diederich (2005: 128–146) classifies the contact between Saudi Arabia and Indonesia into two main phases. The first stage, spanning up to the Second World War (WWII), was typified by the predominance of religious contact. In contrast, the second phase (after WWII) was marked by the increased migration of menial laborers seeking employment and unskilled jobs. Unlike Diederich's observation, however, I have noticed that the first phase of contact was not only marked by religion (e.g., performing religious-spiritual activities such as hajj or visiting Prophet Muhammad's sanctuary) but also intellectualism (studying Islamic sciences). After completing hajj rituals or learning Islamic sciences, some Indonesians preferred to stay at Mecca or Medina becoming teachers and scholars who run halaqah (study circles) freely for pilgrims, and building rubat (Islamic boarding schools).
Similarly, the second stage was not limited to the migration of menial laborers working in domestic sectors (e.g., housemaids or drivers). It also included the migration of skilled professionals (expatriates) working in oil industries, construction companies, hotels, or hospitals, as well as students studying (and pursuing degrees in) various sciences, including hard sciences, engineering, geosciences, and computer sciences. Further, there is significant difference between the educational institutions that existed during the first and second stages. In the first stage, most, if not all, Indonesians learned Islam at multiple semi-formal and informal learning centers (e.g., madrasah, halaqah, rubat, and mosques) in Mecca or Medina, whereas in the second stage, they studied multiple disciplines at multiple learning institutions, including madrasahs, mosques, institutes, colleges, and universities across the kingdom.
Before the establishment of the Islamic University in Medina in the early 1960s, all students learned Islam at non-university Islamic learning centers. Local shaikhs sometimes also used their houses for teaching Islam, while some generous rich individuals donated their money and wealth for establishing madrasahs or ribats. Until now, though most students of Islamic sciences studied at universities or colleges, some studied at madrasahs (e.g., Madrasah Shaulatiyah) or ribats (e.g., Ribat Sayyid Alawi). Popular universities include the Umm al-Qura University (Mecca), Islamic University (Medina), and Imam Muhammad bin Saud Islamic University (Riyadh). Of these three universities, the Islamic University of Medina has been the largest host for Indonesian Muslim students pursuing multiple degrees in Islamic sciences and disciplines such as Islamic Law, Hadith exegesis, and da'wa (missiology), among others. At present, there are more than 800 Indonesian students at this university.
Another difference is that most students in the past centuries were self-funded or perhaps sponsored by some elite members of the society. It is thus reasonable to state that most (perhaps all) students who learned Islam in the past centuries came from middle-class/elite families with sufficient wealth. In the past centuries, the journey from Indonesia to Mecca took about six months by boat, and therefore, such travel needed more preparation and equipment. It was thus almost impossible for the poor to take this voyage. However, in the modern era, most students are provided scholarships by the Saudi government, Saudi's private institutions and generous individuals, or Indonesian institutions. Recently, Saudi Arabia and Indonesia have shared terms of scholarships to cover tuition, airfare tickets, stipends, or living expenses in the kingdom. For instance, founded by Ahmad Hatta and Wildan Abdul Malik, Yayasan Maghfirah Bina Ummat (YMBU), Jakarta, has begun to provide scholarships for talented students interested in studying Islam at the Islamic University of Medina. This foundation has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the Islamic University. A part of the agreement states that the YMBU will provide a scholarship grant of SR 30,000 per year, while the university will provide airfare tickets, a stipend (SR 800 per month), books, and so on. Currently, there are about 50 students studying at the Islamic University under this scholarship scheme.
Moreover, in the past centuries, students pursuing Islamic sciences in the Haramain were not really “students,” since many of them were actually well-established teachers and Islamic scholars in their own societies, who taught multiple Islamic sciences by using classical Arabic books at Indonesia's Islamic boarding schools. Some of them were motivated by keenness to deepen their Islamic knowledge and to seek blessings and religious authority from noted Islamic scholars, teachers, and shaikhs in Mecca and Medina, either of Malay–Indonesian, Arab, or other origin (e.g., Kurdish ulama). In the present era, students of Islamic studies in the kingdom are “real” students or “senior santris” of pesantren, who recently completed their education in madrasahs, schools, or colleges.
Furthermore, students from other non-Islamic fields, whose presence is still poorly understood and researched, are mostly pursuing graduate-level degrees (master's and PhD). They study at multiple universities, including the King Saud University (Riyadh), King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals (Dhahran), King Abdullah University of Science and Technology (Thuwal, Jeddah), King Abdul Aziz University (Jeddah), King Faisal University (Al-Ihsa), Prince Sultan University (Riyadh), and Jazan University (Jazan), among others. In 2016, eight Indonesian students received scholarships from the Saudi government, to study in the Faculty of Medicine, Sulayman al-Rajhi College in the city Bukairiyyah, Qassim.
The number of Indonesian students majoring in non-Islamic studies is still limited (about some hundreds), which is in sharp contrast with those pursuing Islamic studies, who account for more than one thousand. However, the number of non-Islamic studies students could increase substantially in future, as the image and reputation of Saudi education and universities changes among Indonesians. Currently, it is understandable why the number of students from non-Islamic fields is still limited.
The nature and history of Islamic studies differs substantially from that of non-Islamic studies. While programs and scholarships for foreign students have been offered in the kingdom since the founding of IUM (Islamic University of Medina) in the 1960s, non-Islamic studies scholarships only began to open for foreign students perhaps in the 2000s. Before that time, programs and scholarships in non-Islamic studies, particularly hard sciences and engineering, were only offered to Saudi students. However, with the presence of hundreds of non-Islamic studies students in the kingdom, they represent a significant minor group that could open our minds regarding the plurality of students, who could play a major role in their respective fields upon completing their studies.
To create a better understanding of Islamic and non-Islamic studies students, I present their profiles and biographical sketches briefly in the following section.
Brief Biographical Sketches of Indonesian Students
Between 2014 and 2016, I developed a questionnaire survey1 for Indonesian students in Saudi Arabia, from both Islamic and non-Islamic fields, who were provided scholarships by either the Saudi government (as in the case of university students) or private institutions and individuals (as in the case of non-university disciples). This survey aimed to understand their biographical outlines, social-economic backgrounds, and reasons for studying in the kingdom. The survey was conducted among the students at the King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals (Dhahran), King Saud University (Riyadh), Al-Imam Muhammad bin Saud Islamic University (Riyadh), Islamic University (Medina), and Umm al-Qura University (Mecca).
Respondents included seventy-five students from multiple disciplines. With an aim to collect comprehensive data and information, I selected respondents, all of whom were male students, based on criteria such as age, major or main field of study, region of residence in Indonesia, and university/school/educational institution attended before coming to Saudi Arabia. During the survey, I employed student assistants from universities where the survey was administered to help distribute the questionnaire survey and choose respondents who fulfilled the above criteria.
Questions of the survey included, but were not limited to, the following: students’ academic and family background (e.g., school or university attended prior to studying in Saudi; parents’ profession, income, religiosity, and literacy); field/s of study before and during their study in the kingdom; degree of religiosity before and during their stay in Saudi (e.g., ritual practices, Qur'anic recitations, frequency of mosque visit, and frequency of attending public sermons); social (or political) activity before coming to Saudi; organizational affiliations; ability/inability to read, write, and understand Arabic texts; courses studied and books used during study; admission process and scholarship information.
I also drafted questions about reasons, motives, and purposes of studying in the kingdom. In this regard, as explained below, the variations in students’ characteristics indicated the diversity and complexity of their reasons, motivations, and objectives of studying in Saudi. Additionally, I questioned whether or not Islamic teachings, doctrines, texts, and discourses influenced or drove Indonesian Muslim students to study in the kingdom. Finally, I also questioned students about their future plans or careers after completing their education and whether they intended to pursue academic or professional careers.
The findings of the survey and interviews revealed that the Indonesian student community in Saudi Arabia was characterized by plurality and that it was multifaceted in terms of their motives and purposes of learning, religious orientations, organizational and political affiliations, social and family backgrounds, academic interests and major fields of study, and future plan upon completing their present education. They also had multiple individual and institutional networks and they had employed different methods to secure a scholarship to study in the kingdom. These findings clarify that the students’ characteristics cannot be generalized. However, a majority of the students (both pursuing Islamic and non-Islamic studies) reported that they came from a devout Muslim family that performed regular prayers and other Islamic ritual activities, and only few belonged to a less-religious family2 (say, a nominal Muslim family).
Interestingly, the majority of the students (more than 80 percent) acknowledged that their parents could not read, write, and understand Arabic. Some of them said that their parents can read the Qur'an but cannot write in Arabic, much less understand Arabic writings. This was true not only for parents of non-Islamic studies students but also for Islamic studies students from the Islamic University of Medina, Umm al-Qura, and Al-Imam Muhammad bin Saud Islamic University. Indeed, although the majority of the Indonesian population is Muslim (about 87 percent of 260 million), most of them cannot read, write, and understand Arabic. Only those who had been trained in madrasahs or Islamic schools (or Islamic boarding schools) were familiar with Arabic. In addition to their parents, most non-Islamic studies students themselves could not write, speak, and understand Arabic, partly because the main language of instruction was English for such students.
To aid the understanding of the plurality and complexity of Indonesian students in Saudi Arabia in terms of their religious views; Islamic interpretations, understandings, and practices; political orientations; Islamic schools of thought; organizational affiliations; social backgrounds; major fields of study and research focuses, brief sketches of a typical non-Islamic studies students are presented below. I focus on non-Islamic studies students because their presence is less understood owing to the limited research attention they have received until now.
Abdul Latif Ashadi (b. 1989) is an MS student majoring in geophysics in the College of Sciences at KFUPM (King Fahd University of Petroleum & Minerals).3 He is a graduate of Diponegoro University in Semarang of Central Java, where he wrote a bachelor thesis on seismic hazard analysis and a master's thesis titled “Ground Motion Prediction Equation (GMPEs) for Subduction Zone Earthquakes in Java Island, Indonesia.” The latter study examined a formula (GMPEs) to predict the danger of earthquakes in Java. After finishing his BS, he looked for scholarship information on the internet, hoping to continue his study at master's level. His academic and research interests, and passion, are in seismology (i.e., a science that studies earthquakes and seismic waves that move through and around the earth), particularly in the study of geohazard, a geological state that may lead to widespread damage or risk. Geohazards are geological and environmental conditions and involve long-term or short-term geological processes. Moreover, seismic waves are the waves of energy caused by the sudden breaking of rock within the earth or an explosion. He is interested in seismology because the Indonesian archipelago is part of the “Ring of Fire,” which is a major area in the basin of the Pacific Ocean where a large number of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions occur.
After searching on the internet, Ashadi found two universities that interested him because they offered a scholarship relevant to his academic and research interests: Durham University in the UK and KFUPM in Saudi. He did not pass the interview and did not get admission to Durham owing to limited proficiency in English. However, KFUPM accepted his application under two conditions. First, he needed to change his subject from “geo-technics” to “geophysics” based on his BS academic transcript. Second, he was required to stay a semester at KFUPM for English training and preparation before taking the actual courses pertaining to his field of study. After hearing this good news, Ashadi was very happy because, according to him, (1) he could continue to pursue his higher education, (2) he could have a good future career, (3) Saudi was viewed globally as an advanced and modern country in terms of economy, industry, and technology, and (4) studying in Saudi provided him the opportunity to perform hajj and umrah pilgrimages. It is thus clear that a mixture of secular and religious reasons were major driving forces for Ashadi's decision to study in the kingdom. After being fully accepted as an MS student at KFUPM, he felt that the university has fulfilled his dream. At KFUPM, he met professors (e.g., SanLinn Isma'il Kaka) whose ideas, thoughts, and field of study were relevant to his previous education at Diponegoro University.
Interestingly, Ashadi, although majoring in non-Islamic studies, was not unfamiliar with Islamic and Arabic studies, partly because he had trained in these areas since he was in high school, at the Al-Amanah Pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in his native village in Demak of Central Java. When Ashadi continued to study at Diponegoro University, he also lived in the Pesantren Al-Islah in Semarang for five years, to learn Islam through reading classical Arabic Islamic books. Accordingly, it is not surprising that he could read, write, and understand Arabic texts. While studying in Saudi, he was also active in conducting Islamic ritual activities and teaching classical Islamic texts to his fellow Indonesian students. During his stay in Saudi, he has performed umrah pilgrimage in Mecca at least twenty times and hajj twice. He also took an opportunity to learn Islam in the “Ribat Sayyid Alawi” in Mecca, under the auspices of Sayyid Ahmad al-Maliki, whose father, the late Sayyid Muhammad Alawi al-Maliki, had a strong connection with many Indonesian Islamic scholars. As depicted in the previous paragraphs, this ribat is very well-known for Indonesian Muslim students, many of whom have studied (for free) in this Islamic learning center. After completing his education at KFUPM, Ashadi aims to establish an educational institution that combines secular and religious sciences to help develop moderate Islam and prevent religious radicalism in Indonesia.
Another non-Islamic studies student with a strong background in Islamic studies was Yusuf Mufti,4 a MS student majoring in software engineering in the Department of Information and Computer Science at KFUPM. Before joining KFUPM, he studied at the State Islamic University in Yogyakarta (graduated in 2013), majoring in computer science & informatics. While studying in the university, Mufti, whose father owns an Islamic boarding school (Pesantren Darul Ulum) in Central Java, lived in Pesantren Nurul Ummah to study Islamic sciences and Arabic. He came to know about an MS scholarship at KFUPM through Facebook, and he applied directly through the university's website. He discussed his decision with his wife and parents only after receiving admission at KFUPM. Apparently, they agreed with Mufti's choice to continue his education in Saudi because it included a full scholarship and is close to Mecca, such that it is easier to perform hajj and umrah. During his education, he too has been active in conducting Islamic ritual activities and has visited the holy cities of Mecca and Medina several times. After completing his education, he plans to open a small business in IT service.
While both Abdul Latif Ashadi and Yusuf Mufti came from a traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama background, Rama Rizana is a modernist Muhammadiyah activist. A graduate of Muhammadiyah University of Yogyakarta, Rama is pursuing an MS majoring in civil engineering. Unlike Ashadi and Mufti, who collected information about scholarships in Saudi through social media and the internet, Rama received the news from alumni of and Indonesian teachers working at Saudi universities (i.e., King Saud University and KFUPM) who visited some universities in Yogyakarta to introduce the MS scholarship programs at Saudi. Born in 1992, Rama was very excited when he heard the good news (i.e., secured admission) from KFUPM, for several reasons including the ability to continue his master's education with a full scholarship, easy access to hajj and umrah, and the guaranteed availability of halal foods in Saudi. Born in Riau of Sumatra Island, Rama is deeply concerned about halal foods. During the interview, he said, “When I studied in Yogyakarta, I had an opportunity to visit and live in the Philippines, as part of exchange programs with foreign students, organized by the Asian Youth Friendship Networks. This program aims at understanding other cultures and societies by living and engaging with local people. However, when I stayed for a while in the Philippines, I was stressed since it was difficult to find halal foods. In Saudi, I am not worried about it since all foods are halal here.”5
Rama has been a very active student both before and during his education in Saudi. A former coordinator of the Saudi-branch of the Indonesian Student Association, Rama was raised in an activist family. His parents are active members of Muhammadiyah in Riau. Before coming to Saudi, he was active in university organizations such as the Badan Eksekutif Mahasiswa (a university student government body) and Lembaga Penelitian Mahasiswa (a student research institute), both at the Muhammadiyah University of Yogyakarta. It is hence not surprising that he is active in a Saudi association for Indonesian university and non-university students, called Persatuan Pelajar dan Mahasiswa Indonesia (PPMI). Rama said that, based on the data from PPMI, there are about a thousand Indonesian students in Saudi, the majority of whom are enrolled in different programs in the Islamic University of Medina (about 800), followed by King Saud University, Al-Imam Muhammad bin Saud Islamic University, King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals, Umm al-Qura University, and King Abdulaziz University. Although his major is in civil engineering, he has some knowledge about Islamic sciences, partly because, while studying in Yogyakarta, Rama also learned Islamic sciences and Arabic language in Ma'had Aly, an Islamic learning center in the city that follows the tradition of Islamic Salafism. Accordingly, it is not surprising that he joined a Salafi group of Indonesian students in the kingdom and wears a Salafi-type robe. His main academic and research interests, however, are in the study of how to reuse cesspools as materials for building roads. After completing his education at KFUPM, he wants to teach and conduct research on human transportation. However, he prefers Saudi as a workplace compared to Indonesia because he wants to be closer to Mecca and Medina.
Another non-Islamic studies student who deserves to be mentioned here is Sudibyo Solikhan Sardi, who was majoring in environmental science. A graduate of the Institut Teknologi 10-November (ITS) in Surabaya, one of Indonesia's best technological institutes, he wrote an MS thesis on sensitive environments for an agglomeration of oils in the Arabian Gulf. During his education at KFUPM, he was active as a research assistant at the Research Institute's Center for Environment and Water, where he examined or implemented knowledge from the classroom to a practical field experiment.
Born into a poor family, his father is a gardener at an Islamic elementary school (i.e., Madrasah Ibtidaiyah Ulumuddin) in East Java. Sudibyo was able to study at ITS due to a full scholarship provided by the university. He grew up in a traditional Islamic culture and was lucky to be selected as one of the fifty awardees from 1,500 applicants across the country. “If there was no scholarship, the chance of continuing my study in a university might be closed,” he said.6 In fact, in his family, Sudibyo is the only one who could continue to study at a university. Although his father is a nominal Muslim (in Java, it is called “abangan” or “wong nasional”), Sudibyo learned Islam and the Qur'an since childhood, during his education at the Taman Pendidikan Al-Qur'an (a Qur'anic educational center) and in a Nahdlatul Ulama-affiliated school in his village. When he was at ITS, he also studied Islamic sciences at a ma'had, a special Islamic boarding school (pesantren) for university students. Sudibyo's knowledge on Saudi universities came from his friend, who is a graduate student at King Saud University. When he received a scholarship offer from KFUPM, his parents did not agree because Saudi is very far from their home village, making them worried about their son's security and wellbeing. However, after hearing convincing explanations from Sudibyo, his parents finally accepted the rationale for pursuing his MS and future career in the kingdom. The primary reasons for their agreement were (1) the scholarship covers a monthly stipend, living expenses, and boarding (no tuition fees for Saudi public universities), (2) annual tickets from and to Indonesia, and (3) the opportunity to perform hajj and umrah, among others.
With the full scholarship, his parents do not need to worry about their son's living costs, while with the annual tickets, he could visit them during the summer academic break. Performing hajj and umrah is another reason for their acceptance, since hajj is the most prestigious (as well as most dangerous and costly) Islamic ritual. The image of Saudi as a Muslim nation is also vital in this regard as it convinced his parents about the comfort of living in such a country. In Javanese society (or perhaps, in Indonesian societies in general), asking for permission and blessings from parents is considered to be the norm and could result in the success of their children's future career. In contrast, failing listening to parents’ advice could bring misfortune on children. In addition to his parents, Sudibyo's teacher, named Ustad Yasin, also played a role in convincing him to study in Saudi. His teacher advised him: “You could go to any place in the world as long as you travel with strong knowledge and faith you will be fine and safe. Saudi is a secure place that could maintain your knowledge and faith.” Sudibyo's future plan is to be an academician in a university. I was surprised with this response, and when I asked him the reason, he said, “Because I want to make my parents happy since they wanted me to be a teacher, which is, according to them, a noble profession.”
I also interviewed an Indonesian doctorate student of non-Islamic studies. Teguh Kurniawan was a PhD student in chemical engineering. A graduate (both BS and MS) of Bandung Technological Institute (Institut Teknologi Bandung, known ITB), arguably Indonesia's top technical university, Teguh was a civil servant (a government employee) and a teacher at the Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa in Banten of West Java. During his education at ITB, Teguh was active in the institute's organizations such as Lembaga Dakwah Kampus (LDK—a university proliferation center, an organization linked to a particular Salafi group) and Jama'ah Masjid Salman, a group of reformist Muslims centered on the Salman Mosque at ITB.
Teguh was born into a religious Muslim family whose members are active in conducting ritual practices and attending religious gatherings and public sermons. Teguh's parents, civil servants, could also read the Qur'an fluently. His village, in the Banten region, is surrounded by many pesantren. However, his parents prevented him from attending the pesantren since there is an assumption or image that this is a traditional Islamic learning institution, allowing him only to attend a madrasah to learn basic knowledge on Islam and the Qur'an. Although his parents are devout Muslims, they preferred that their children pursued non-Islamic subjects in a “secular university.” Similar to other students, he accepted a scholarship to pursue a PhD degree in chemical engineering because it fully covered his and his family's (wife and children) expenses, in addition to easy access to Mecca and Medina for hajj, umrah, and other ritual activities. Another reason is that he considered Saudi is a “sacred place” due to the presence of two holy mosques, Ka'ba, tombs of Prophet Muhammad and his companions, as well as many Islamic historical sites.
Plurality and Complexity of Saudi's Indonesian Students
As depicted earlier, there are indeed multiple factors, rationales, motives, and purposes for studying in Saudi. Therefore, generalizing their characteristics (e.g., as followers of intolerant, severe, and conservative Islam) may be an over-simplification. In fact, there are various groups of the students (both university and non-university students), ranging from traditionalists and conservatives, to moderates and progressives, Salafis and non-Salafis, Islamic and non-Islamic sciences students, and so forth. Some important research findings can be drawn here.
First, students pursuing Islamic studies in Saudi educational institutions do not always automatically become “Islamist,” “Salafi,” or “Wahhabi,” as commonly and erroneously assumed by most individuals. Multiple and complex factors contribute to students’ “Salafi-ness,” “Islamist-ness,” or “Wahhabi-ness.” It is true that some Islamic studies students have been radicalized by religious thoughts, discourses, understandings, interpretations, teachings, and practices of some Saudi or non-Saudi Salafis. Some Salafi teachers, professors, and scholars (again, both Saudi and non-Saudi) have indeed changed and transformed the way Indonesian students think, understand, and practice Islam and Muslim culture. Additionally, fatwas, thoughts, and opinions of some well-known Salafi ulama, although they might not be teaching at a university, have influenced some Indonesian Muslim students. These influential individuals include Shaikh Abd al-Aziz ibn Baz (1910–99), Muhammad Nasiruddin al-Albani (1914–99), Muhammad ibn al-Uthaymin (1929–01), Saleh al-Fauzan (b. 1933), and Abd al-Aziz ibn Abdullah Al Ashaikh (b. 1943), among others.
However, generalizing or attaching the labels of “Salafi,” “Islamist,” or “Wahhabi” to all the students trained at Saudi educational centers is a big mistake. Most of the Salafi students received academic training in the Islamic University of Medina, which, since its inception in the early 1960s, has been the vanguard of Salafism and Wahhabism, and Al Imam Muhammad bin Saud Islamic University and its branch in Jakarta (Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Islam dan Bahasa Arab), which is another center for Salafism. However, it should be noted again that it is mistaken to conclude that all alumni of these two institutions have become Salafis, radicals, and supporters of strict conservative forms of Islam. In fact, some notable alumni of these two Islamic universities have been the backbone of traditionalist, moderate, or even progressive Islam in Indonesia.
There are several fundamental reasons why such a simplification is invalid:
Not all Islamic teachers and scholars in Saudi Arabia follow Salafism, Wahhabism, or even Islamism.
Not all the students are interested in the study of or in following Salafi, Wahhabi, or Islamist notions, concepts, understandings, interpretations, and practices. In fact, several students are pursuing degrees in non-Islamic studies. Those who study Islamic sciences also do not by default practice Salafi, Wahhabi, or Islamist ideas. Indonesian students with non-Salafi, Wahhabi, or Islamist backgrounds would most likely tend to practice their traditional, non-puritan, and non-reformist beliefs.7
Not all dimensions of Salafi-ness, Wahhabi-ness, or Islamist-ness of these students were influenced or shaped by Salafi, Wahhabi, or Islamist teachers and scholars. Saudi's Indonesian Muslim communities, friendship networks, Islamist political party cadres, or religious sermons run by Indonesian Salafi groups in Saudi Arabia have also been important factors in shaping the Salafi-ness, Wahhabi-ness, or Islamist-ness of Indonesian students. In fact, many students attend religious sermons, Qur'anic studies classes, and any religious meetings run by Indonesian Salafi groups in the kingdom. They usually invite Indonesian Salafi preachers and teachers (either from Indonesia or Saudi) to give Islamic lectures and sermons in cities with several Indonesian natives. They also provide Qur'anic and religious classes for Indonesian children whose parents are professional expatriates (lecturers or staff of universities or engineers of Saudi companies). Actually, these religious sermons, Qur'anic studies circles, or Islamic lectures have been designed for Indonesians in general, not for students alone. Not only do students attend Indonesian-run religious sermons, but they also join religious sermons and lectures conducted by Saudi Salafi clerics at homes, mosques, and other places. According to some informants, Indonesians who learn Islam through informal religious sermons or majelis pengajian with Salafi clerics, shaikhs, or ulama tend to be more radical, militant, and conservative as compared to those who study Islamic sciences in the formal setting, through university professors.8
Several students have essentially already become Salafi, Wahhabi, or Islamist before their departure to Saudi since they have been long educated in Indonesia's Salafi, Wahhabi, or Islamist educational institutions like Al-Irsyad, Pesantren Darun Najah, Pondok Modern Gontor, Pondok Pesantren Imam Bukhari, Islamic Center Bin Baz, Ma'had Al Birr, Pondok Pesantren Hidayatullah, Pondok Pesantren Khusnul Khotimah, among others.9 Students from these Islamic learning centers are able to continue their studies in Saudi Arabia because of networks or well established contacts they (the institutions and their teachers and owners) have long built with Saudi academic institutions.
The second significant finding of the present study is that multiple types of Salafism are expressed by the students included in the sample (and alumni of Saudi universities and non-university Islamic learning institutions), ranging from “apolitical Salafis” to “political Salafis.” Some of these Salafi groups are involved in tension and conflict with one another due to different interpretations, understandings, practices, and purposes concerning how Islam should ideally be interpreted, understood, and implemented in the society. Some Salafi groups said that Islam should disconnected from political practices, focusing only on moral, religious, and theological issues. They affirm that, for Muslims, being involved in political organizations, parties, and activities are haram (unlawful) in accordance to Islamic law. This is one of the reasons why some Indonesian Salafi students in the kingdom strongly criticize Bachtiar Nasir, chairman of Indonesian alumni of the Islamic University of Medina, due to his involvement in the political movement. Indeed, Saudi's Indonesian students are divided in their response to a series of mass marches and political protests that aimed at toppling the Christian governor of Jakarta, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, as well as Indonesian president Joko Widodo, organized by groups of militant Islamists and Salafis (Al Qurtuby 2018).
Moreover, other Salafi groups are keen to struggle for Islam in the political sphere, to realize their vision of an Islamic government or Islamic state that maintains what they call “the unity of Islamic umma.” In contrast, other Salafi groups are devoted to purifying Islam from all local cultures and traditions that they dubbed un-Islamic or irreligious, which in turn disturbs the purity of Islamic faith. Others still preserve some local cultural practices that they consider beneficial for Muslim societies and do not contradict with Islamic teachings. Sometimes they were involved in harsh debates due to minor issues such as whether or not a Muslim should grow a beard, a cloak should be below/above ankle, the status of sadah group (descendants of Prophet Muhammad) should (or not) be venerated or given priority, whether corruption is bad/good practice, and so forth.
It is also important to underline that each Salafi group (and individual) tends to claim to be “more Salafi” than others, meaning that each has claimed to be more devout and authentic followers of early generations of Islam or salaf al-shalih, which is the root of the word “Salafism” (see Chaplin 2014). Some describe themselves, or prefer to be called “Salafiyyah” not “Salafism,” since the latter has been associated with new reformist groups, mostly following Hanbali school, which has very strict guidelines about understanding and practicing Islam. The term “salafiyyah” has long been used by members and followers of Nahdlatul Ulama (called “Nahdliyyin”). Many clerics (or kiais) of Nahdlatul Ulama name their traditional Islamic learning institutions (i.e., pesantren) “Salafiyyah” (sometimes “Salafiyyah Syafi'iyyah”) as a sign that this pesantren follows (and based on) intellectual traditions of early Muslim generations (aslaf) and teaches classical Arabic Islamic texts of the Sunni school, particularly from Shafii madhab.
The contest of the Salafi discourses is obvious and ubiquitous across the country. While students and alumni of Islamic University of Medina or Al-Imam Muhammad bin Saud Islamic University Students usually follow or embrace Salafism, those of Ribat Sayyid Alawi (or Umm al-Qura University) become supporters of Salafiyyah. While both have shared their disagreement over liberalism, pluralism, secularism, or Shiism, the followers of salafiyyah are very critical toward Wahhabism, which is not always the case for supporters of Salafism. Some issues over which the “salafiyyah group” disagree with the “Salafism group” deal with, among others, local religious-cultural practices (e.g., tahlilan, kenduren, dhiba'an, barzanjen, manaqiban, shalawatan,), the veneration of Prophet Muhammad's descendants (sadah / ashraf), and the practices of Sufism and Sufi orders (tariqa).
Another significant finding of the present study is that the students in Saudi do not always study Islamic sciences and pursue degrees in these fields. Since the last decade, several non-Islamic studies students from various parts of Indonesia have studied in the Kingdom pursuing degrees (from BS to PhD) in multiple disciplines and focusing on various academic programs from hard sciences and chemical engineering to geophysics and computer science. Since this group is relatively new, their role and contributions in Indonesia are not visible yet. This is in sharp contrast with the group of students pursuing Islamic studies. Interestingly, although they are not pursuing Islamic studies, some of the non-Islamic studies students have been very active in various Islamic programs such as attending religious sermons, Islamic gatherings, and Qur'anic recitation clubs, all of which have been organized by Indonesian Muslim groups.
These groups, some of which are supported by Indonesia's Islamist political party and Salafi groups, mainly linked to the Welfare and Justice Party, have conducted regular meetings in cities of Saudi where many Indonesians reside. The organizers invite Indonesian Salafi speakers in Saudi as well as Salafi preachers from Indonesia. As regular participants of these Salafi-supported Islamic meetings and sermons (pengajan), some non-Islamic studies students have been devout adherents of Salafism, which makes them sometimes stricter and more radical than Islamic studies students. Other non-Islamic studies students focus on developing their research and academic interests in secular sciences and are not interested in following particular religious/Islamic streams, including Salafism, although they try to be a devout Muslim by performing hajj and umra pilgrimage, fasting during Ramadan, or regularly praying in the mosque. Some of them also wear jalabiyah (Arab style robe) and grow a beard. However, they are not interested in spreading and advocating Salafi practices and ideas in Indonesian society.
Conclusion
It is now clear that Saudi's Indonesian students are incredibly diverse and complex in terms of their motives and objectives of learning, social backgrounds, fields of study, academic and research interests, religious understandings, organizational affiliations, or political orientations; thereby, generalizing their characteristics will be seriously misleading. It is true that some students, upon completing their education, became staunch advocates of particular forms of religious conservatism, fanaticism, Salafism, or Islamism. However, it is also important to acknowledge that this phenomenon is only “one among many” possibilities, partly because many students in the kingdom do not follow—or are not interested in studying and practicing—strict forms of Islam.
The present article also shows that Saudi is not the only agent that shapes the Salafi-ness of the Indonesian students studying in the kingdom, since many of them have already become devout followers of Salafism long before their arrival in Saudi, and others were influenced by Saudi's Indonesian Salafi communities. Finally, the article also reveals that, over the last decade, the number of Indonesian graduate students pursuing non-Islamic subjects in the kingdom has been increasing, which adds to the complexity of the Indonesian student community in Saudi Arabia. In future, they might contribute to the development of secular sciences and non-Islamic/religious spheres that challenge Islamic studies students and alumni.
Notes
The questionnaire survey was carried out with the assistance of Aditia Rifai (during the survey period, he was an Indonesian graduate student at King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals) and Zia al-Haramain (during the period of the survey, he was an undergraduate student at the Islamic University of Medina). Rifai and Zia helped me distribute the questionnaire survey among Indonesian students of Saudi universities. I thank them for the assistance.
In Indonesia, several attributes, labels, or terms are used for less-religious Muslims. Sometimes they are called Muslim abangan, “wong nasional” (nationalist person), or “Islam KTP” (his/her Islam is only in ID card, not practiced in everyday life).
Interview with Abdul Latif Ashadi, Dhahran, Saudi, May 20, 2015.
Interview with Yusuf Mufti, Dhahran, May 20, 2015.
Interview with Rama Rizana, Dhahran, May 21, 2015.
Interview with Sudibyo Solikhan Sardi, Dhahran, May 20, 2015.
This conclusion is the outcome of my conversations with multiple Indonesian students, including Zia al-Haramaian and other Islamic studies students at the Islamic University of Medina, and Yusuf Mufti of King Fahd University Petroleum and Minerals, during my fieldwork between 2015 and 2016.
Interview with students of the Islamic University, Medina, November, 2017.
This information is the result of conversations with a number of Indonesian students from the Islamic University and Taibah University (both in Medina), November, 2017.
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