Leadership for inclusiveness

Advancing gender equality in development

in Regions and Cohesion
Author:
Bandana Rana Founder, Saathi, Nepal

Search for other papers by Bandana Rana in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close
,
Tara Lipovina PhD Candidate in social, University of Luxembourg, Luxembourg

Search for other papers by Tara Lipovina in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close
,
Mónica Carrasco Gómez Researcher, CIESAS Southeast, Mexico monica.carrasco@ciesas.edu.mx

Search for other papers by Mónica Carrasco Gómez in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close
, and
Perla O. Fragoso Lugo Researcher, CIESAS Peninsular, Mexico perlafragoso@ciesas.edu.mx

Search for other papers by Perla O. Fragoso Lugo in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close

Scaling the summit for women's rights: From local to global and global to local

Abstract

Finding your voice and identity for many women in South Asia, including Nepal, is like climbing Mt. Everest, the highest peak in the world—not an easy task with deeply embedded patriarchal values and gender norms. Violence against women, particularly domestic violence, is the biggest deterrent to women's advancement and development. However, with support from a vibrant women's movement and civil society activism, scaling this mountainous hurdle can be possible. This article examines both the challenges that women in Nepal face and the progress that women's rights groups have achieved in promoting gender equality in that country. Through both personal and systemic reflections, world-renown women's rights activist Bandana Rana presents her journey for gender equality from the local to the global and back.

Resumen

Muchas mujeres en Asia del Sur y Nepal difícilmente encuentran su voz e identidad debido a los profundamente arraigados valores patriarcales y normas de género. La violencia contra las mujeres, especialmente la doméstica, es el mayor impedimento para su avance y desarrollo. Sin embargo, un vibrante movimiento contemporáneo de mujeres y activismo social les apoya a escalar ese obstáculo. Este artículo examina los retos de las mujeres en Nepal y los avances que los grupos de derechos de la mujer han logrado hacia la igualdad de género en ese país. Bandana Rana, reconocida activista mundial por los derechos de la mujer, presenta su viaje de reflexiones personales y sistémicas por la igualdad de género desde lo local hasta lo global y de vuelta.

Résumé

Pour de nombreuses femmes en Asie du Sud, notamment au Népal, trouver leur propre voix et leur propre identité signifie gravir le plus haut sommet du monde, le mont Everest - une tâche difficile, face aux valeurs patriarcales et aux normes de genre profondément ancrées. La violence à l'égard des femmes, en particulier la violence domestique, est le principal obstacle à l'avancement des femmes et au développement. Cependant, avec le soutien d'un mouvement de femmes dynamique et de l'activisme de la société civile, il est possible de franchir cet obstacle montagneux. Cet article examine à la fois les défis auxquels sont confrontées les femmes au Népal et les progrès réalisés par les groupes de défense des droits des femmes dans la promotion de l'égalité des genres dans ce pays. À travers des réflexions aussi bien personnelles que systémiques, Bandana Rana, militante des droits des femmes de renommée mondiale, présente son parcours pour l'égalité des genres du local au mondial et inversement.

Tradition, development, and gender equality: Addressing the incoherences through collective action

Abstract

This article addresses gender coherence for development, defined as transformative development that addresses systemic power differences that discriminate against women. Following the contribution from Bandana Rana, this scientific article reflects on challenges that women face in Nepal, with specific discussion of patriarchal traditions. However, the analysis notes that the development does not necessarily positively effect gender equality. Regional policies, such as the European Union's neighborhood policies in the Western Balkans (specifically in Montenegro), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nation's economic policies often undermine the gender equality initiatives from these regions. The article identifies collective action and norm ownership as important bases for achieving transformative development that promotes gender equality.

Resumen

Este artículo aborda la coherencia de género para el desarrollo a partir de la contribución de Bandana Rana sobre las tradiciones patriarcales y los retos de las mujeres en Nepal. La autora analiza las diferencias de poder que sistemáticamente discriminan a las mujeres, señalando que el desarrollo no es totalmente positivo sobre la igualdad de género. Las políticas regionales, como las de vecindad de la Unión Europea en los Balcanes Occidentales (concretamente en Montenegro), y las políticas económicas de la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático, suelen socavar las iniciativas de igualdad de género de esas regiones. El artículo identifica la acción colectiva y la apropiación de las normas como bases importantes para lograr un desarrollo transformador que promueva la igualdad de género.

Résumé

Cet article traite de la cohérence des politiques du développement pour l'égalité des genres, définie comme un développement transformateur qui s'attaque aux différences systémiques de pouvoir qui discriminent les femmes. Suite à la contribution de Bandana Rana, cette note scientifique réfléchit sur les défis auxquels les femmes sont confrontées au Népal, avec une discussion spécifique à propos des traditions patriarcales. Cependant, l'analyse note que le développement n'a pas nécessairement un effet positif sur l'égalité des genres. Les politiques régionales, telles que les politiques de voisinage de l'Union européenne dans les Balkans occidentaux (en particulier au Monténégro) ou les politiques économiques de l'Association des nations de l'Asie du Sud-Est, sapent en effet souvent les initiatives d'égalité des genres de ces mêmes régions. L'article identifie l'action collective et l'appropriation des normes comme des bases importantes pour parvenir à un développement transformateur qui promeut l'égalité des genres.

Mujeres indígenas, desarrollo y derecho a una vida libre de violencia

Abstract

This article argues for the relevance of the direct participation of indigenous women in the planning, modeling, execution, and evaluation of public policies aimed at them as a diverse population, including both a common agenda with mestizo women and another focusing on the needs, problems, and proposals that are different and even differentiated according to specific cultural groups. For this, we focus on the approach of government programs and the literature produced around social development and the fight against gender violence against women in the state of Chiapas, the political entity with the largest number of inhabitants speaking an indigenous language (HLI) in Mexico.

Resumen

En este artículo se argumenta la relevancia de la participación directa de las mujeres indígenas en la planeación, modelación, ejecución y evaluación de las políticas públicas dirigidas a ellas como una población diversa, con agendas comunes a las de las mujeres mestizas, pero también con necesidades, problemáticas y propuestas distintas e incluso diferenciadas según su propio grupo cultural. Para ello nos centramos en el abordaje de los programas gubernamentales y la literatura producida en torno al desarrollo social y al combate a la violencia de género contra las mujeres en el estado de Chiapas, la entidad con el mayor número de habitantes hablantes de una lengua indígena en México.

Résumé

Cet article aborde la pertinence de la participation directe des femmes autochtones à la planification, la modélisation, l'exécution et l'évaluation des politiques publiques les ciblant. Il s'agit d'une population diversifiée, avec un agenda commun à ceux qui sont mestizo, mais elles ont aussi des besoins, des problèmes et des propositions qui sont différents et même différenciés selon leurs groupes culturels. Pour cette raison, nous nous concentrons sur l'approche des programmes gouvernementaux et la littérature académique produite autour du développement social et de la lutte contre la violence de genre à l'égard des femmes dans l'état du Chiapas, l'entité politique avec le plus grand nombre d'habitants parlant une langue autochtone (HLI) du Mexique.

Scaling the summit for women's rights: From local to global and global to local

I come from Nepal, the home of high-rising Himalayas which I believe subsume two seemingly diverse qualities—hope and hardship. The staggering mountains instill hope for rising high but scaling them requires great efforts against numerous hurdles. The same holds true with gender issues in my country. Nepal has unearthed possibilities and promoted hope for gender equality through numerous recent legislative provisions, but long-rooted socio-economic structures and mindsets based on patriarchy perpetuate pervasive gender inequality and violence, both of which are still taking their toll on social development and equality.

In retrospect, I think that my country has come a long way in addressing gender issues and violence prevention since my childhood. That time, about five decades ago, was very different from the present. The position of women and girls was by far secondary to that of men. The education of women and girls was not a priority as they were prepared to look after the kitchen and traditional family assignments.

Born into a middle-class, comparatively liberal family that believed in education, my mother, who herself was uneducated, had to push harder to ensure quality education for my siblings and me. Good schools were scarce, and the family did not want to send us far away from home nor did they want us attending schools with both boys and girls. Luckily, St. Mary, a missionary girls’ school, was in our vicinity. Despite my father's reluctance to send us there for his fear that his daughters would adopt Christianity, my mother found a way to get us admitted there.

The social culture in which I grew resulted in my experiencing some discrimination during my childhood. It was nothing extreme compared to what many other girls from rural areas live, but it involved the socialization of my role as a female in Nepali society. It was little things, like my mother telling me that I had to be out of bed by 7:00 a.m. while my brother slept peacefully because: “You are a daughter, and you have to learn how to do housework so you can handle things when you move to your husband's house in the future.” I was taught that as a woman, my appearance was the most important thing, and I must never give an opinion: “girls are to be seen but not heard.” I absorbed all these expectations and grew into a submissive, quiet young woman. However, nothing prepared me for my first period when I was around twelve. That changed my perception of myself as being different from my father and brothers. No one previously had any conversation with me about menstruation, not even my mother. One day when I returned from school, she hurriedly pushed me into my room. I was confused and scared. She told me that there had been a blood stain in my bloomers (it was a small amount and I had barely noticed), and so I had become nacchune, untouchable. I will never forget her words: “Now you have to stay in an enclosed dark room for a fortnight. During these days, not even the shadow of your impure image should be cast on the male members of the family who are considered powerful as the sun. So, you are not to see the sun and your brothers and father. Your food will be brought to you, but you must wash your dishes yourself.” I had been taught never to ask too many questions, so as the obedient, elder daughter, my trauma was buried. It felt very unfair. Until then, I had never thought of myself as different from my brother, except physically. This was the first overt gender lesson I received: that we are separate genders and women are inferior. The girl who emerged from that exile was not as friendly; she was shy, full of shame, and felt inferior to her father and brothers. My entire demeanor had changed. I do not want any girls to experience this culture shock and trauma.

Walking to school one day, I was studying along the way, stressed about a science exam. My brother looked at me, in control even though he was in class three and I was in class five, and asked: “What are you doing? You girls don't need to study so much. You will just have to complete class ten, and then you will get married and go to your husband's house. You don't have to study. It's us boys for whom it is difficult. We have to study well, find a good job, earn, look after our parents and our wife and children.” Somehow that seeped into my heart, and I felt sorry for him with all that responsibility at such a tender age. Marriage had a nice ring to it, and as a teenager, I secretly nurtured the dream of getting married, looking pretty, and welcoming my husband home to dinner. I was married when I was seventeen and became a mother at the age of eighteen. I thought that my studies were over with the marriage, but as I had been a good student, my father-in-law encouraged me to continue my studies. I was fortunate to have a progressive family.

The world needs to shift the way we socialize girls from birth in order to foster transformative change. The government needs to be accountable for policy change and effective implementation of laws that support social change. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), media, and activists provide complementary roles, and they need to engage critically with government initiatives and programs so that they can be held accountable by identifying the positive policies and actions and pinpointing lapses and working collectively. We need to do more of this if we are to create a just and equal society.

Professional journey

A few years later, the country's first television channel, Nepal Television (NTV), was established. I watched the news one evening and thought that I could be a good news presenter, little realizing the work that goes on behind the camera. At the beginning of my interview with the station's deputy general manager, which a senior colleague had helped to arrange, I demurely told him that if he was going to ask me any questions about current affairs or the news, I did not know anything as I never read the newspapers or listened to the radio. Girls back then were hardly ever encouraged to do this. Despite that, I was offered the position, and in 1986, I began my on-the-job training as a reporter and newscaster. There was no technical training or any guidance to prepare me for the live newscast. I simply had to get hold of a news script and ask the camera man on duty to let me practice when the studio was free. I started listening to the BBC News and reading newspapers. Three weeks later, I had to fill in on-air for the first time. It was terrifying, but I survived and had to continuously read the news live every day for a month as the other newscaster was sick. Perhaps that built my confidence. That is how my journey in the media profession started—news reading, editing, reporting in addition to current affairs production.

In 1987, I had another challenging experience. Nepal had never done a live television broadcast, but the third SAARC (South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation) Summit was being hosted by the country. This was the first ever regional and largest meeting of heads of states of seven South Asian countries held in Nepal. The coverage was going to all seven SAARC countries, and I was given less than a day's notice to prepare after the network realized that the broadcast had to be in English. On the day of the opening, I was not given any briefing about how to do a live broadcast. The camera man simply told me not to get in the way of his pan shots. I had the scripts in one hand and the wired microphone in the other, and I had to keep ducking, stepping over the cable connected to the camera, watching who was arriving and talking to them about their country. It was windy, and my sari and notes were flying everywhere. I do not know how we survived, but that was the first live broadcast ever from Nepal. There were a lot of challenges, being thrown in the deep end like this, but a lot of the credit for who I am today goes to NTV. I feel that as a young person, the more challenges you face, the more you learn, and that enhances your capacity to be successful in whatever you do. That is the platform that NTV provided me with no technical knowledge on television journalism, just on-the-job learning and challenging opportunities hurled at me for which I worked hard to succeed. Having people who believe in you, trust your potential, and encourage you matters.

There were many other lessons that played an important part of my television career. We had no teleprompter then. We had to read from handwritten notes. I remember several instances when I had to edit while I read with spelling errors and wrong names of high authorities. Working for television has taught me to make quick editing decisions, be concise and articulate, use communication that can be understood easily, work under pressure, work in a team, and always be on my feet. All of these skills continue to prove beneficial as I progress in my career.

Recognizing the self

There was one other main opportunity from NTV that guided my journey. I was given the opportunity to attend a post-diploma course on news and current affairs production in the Netherlands. Of the two scholarships offered to Nepal, one had to be given to a woman, and there were not many women in television then who filled the minimum qualification. Initially, I was not too keen to attend the course as it meant leaving my two small children behind because I would be away for six months. However, with the encouragement of my superiors and the support of my family, I left for the Netherlands with a heavy heart as I left behind my two small daughters.

As this was my first overseas visit, the culture shock initially was quite intense; first, because the professors told us to call them by their first names whereas I was used to addressing my teachers as “Sir” and second, because they asked for our opinion about everything, even theories. I had been raised in a culture where teachers and theories were always correct and were never challenged. If you wrote exactly what was taught, you got good marks. As a woman, we were not encouraged to express an opinion, especially to an elder person. In the Netherlands, we were expected to be critical and analytical, which required us to stimulate our minds and have an opinion. I had never been taught how to do that, either at school or at home. Initially, I was very hesitant to share my opinion, but with the encouragement of the teachers, I soon became comfortable with it. So, it was at the age of 25 that I learned that I have a mind of my own. I can have a different opinion than my male elders or colleagues and still be respected. I then thought of the thousands of Nepali women who perhaps die without even realizing their own true potential. I am a strong believer of giving your best to whatever you undertake. Hence, I did excel in all that the course covered and returned to Nepal with the zeal and determination to change conditions for the better. But that is when the conflict started. As long as I was a submissive person, doing what I was told to do and never expressing any opinion, I was liked by everyone. But the minute I started to express my opinion on how things could be done better, many of my male colleagues and seniors did not appreciate having a woman challenge the way things were being done. I faced a lot of harassment after that and left my permanent job even though I continued reading the news on a part-time basis. This also gave me the opportunity to delve into more serious activism against gender-based violence. After 20, being the longest serving newsreader on the English news desk, I left NTV to become the chair of the National Women's Commission in 2006. However, the skills I learned at NTV guided the rest of my career, and that matters to me.

Finding my niche

In 1991, I got an assignment to compile video clippings from Nepal for the global launch of the first Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Program. I had the opportunity to visit several rural districts and villages in Nepal. I had to interview diverse groups of local people on the theme of human development and what it means to them. It was easy to find men to be interviewed, but I wanted to engage women too. It was not easy. Whenever I placed a mic in front of a woman, there would be four men surrounding her who would say, “She does not know anything. She is too shy to speak.” Nonetheless, I was not ready to give up. The next day, I awoke at 4:00 a.m. and went to where the women fetch water from the common tap, and that is where I listened to their chatter, their quarrelling, their singing. I heard their voices and their stories. Their biggest concern was related to domestic and sexual violence. That was such an important lesson for me, and the experience shifted my focus. I realized that I needed to bring their voices to the policy table, to the community table, and to the news desk for which I worked. The realization resulted in yet another turn in my life, and in 1992, eight of us friends founded Saathi (meaning friend) with the objective of addressing domestic violence faced by women. That is how my engagement with the survivors of violence and marginalized women started.

Another milestone event that made me a lifetime passionate advocate for gender equality was in 1995 when I had the opportunity as a young journalist from Nepal to attend the United Nations’ (UN) fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing. The euphoria and the power of the collective movement building in Beijing with more than 30,000 attendees was such that afterwards, I felt the strong urge to work directly with and for those facing discrimination and exploitation. Since then, there has been no looking back, and I have become a life-long advocate for gender equality. Beijing also exposed me to the power of women in media and the need for collective movement-building. After returning from Beijing, I along with some other women working in the media, founded Sancharika Samuha (Forum of Women in Media) in April 1996. The organization advocates for the fair portrayal of women in the media, the promotion of gender equality through mainstream and alternative media, and the generation of awareness of opposition to gender-based violence. The organization now has national structures and branch offices, and it is instrumental in communicating issues related to gender and equality.

Having founded, nurtured, and led these two organizations as executive president for both, the experiences I gained, the movements I led, and the lives I touched continue to shape my roadmap for the future, and they give me the energy and inspiration to continue the contributing to the movement for gender equality locally, nationally, and globally.

Key learning and reflections

Advocating for Domestic Violence Law

In 1992, when we founded Saathi, domestic violence was a taboo topic and considered a very private affair. But the eight of us who founded Saathi were convinced that domestic violence was a core issue because it seeps into so many other issues, impacting the life and growth of girls and women. Therefore, in spite of discouragement received from several quarters, we went ahead with a strong motto to address domestic violence faced by women and girls. We started by raising awareness but soon realized that raising awareness alone is not helpful unless it is complemented by appropriate laws and a support system. There was no law against domestic violence, and no shelters for women existed. Saathi thus established the first women's shelter in Nepal in 1995 for domestic violence survivors and started advocacy for domestic violence legislation. It took us 14 years of persistent advocacy to have the law passed in 2009 with the backing of a stronger and broader social movement organized through different networks particularly, the “National Network Against Domestic Violence” that Saathi founded. Since then, there has been no looking back. It has been challenging to find regular financial support required to operate four of our women's shelters. But in the 30 years since their establishment, we have never failed to have our services open for women affected by domestic violence, sexual violence, and other forms of gender-based violence against women, which has contributed immensely to building a strong movement for the rights of women and girls in Nepal. I was the executive chair of Saathi from 2009 to 2015, and I continue to engage in its movement as a strategic advisor.

Women Peace and Security

There was internal armed conflict in Nepal from 1996 to 2006. Working with conflict-affected women and girls by providing support, counseling, and healing services during this period taught me many things. On one hand, the impact of the conflict on women and girls was immense in the context of escalating violence. On the other hand, they also accumulated many empowering experiences surviving between two conflicting parties in the villages. However, when the conflict ended, there were no women to be seen in the special task forces and decision-making tables for peacebuilding. That's when I discovered United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on women, peace, and security, which is a historical document that obligates member states to ensure women's participation in peace building and the protection of women and girls from conflict related violence and promotion of the Women Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. This document proved to be very valuable in strengthening advocacy nationally for developing a national action plan on the implementation of the Resolution. I was intensely engaged in the development of the plan in collaboration with the Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction in 2010/11. With the plan in place, the WPS agenda received significant attention within the government's plans and programs. It also established a special entity: the Nepal Peace Trust Fund. I was also engaged in the localization of the plan and its monitoring. Equipped with this experience, WPS became a passionate area of my work, and I had numerous opportunities to share the experiences of Nepal as well as review and assess the gender-based challenges in contemporary armed conflict in countries emerging from conflict regionally and globally. I was honored when I was appointed as a member of the UN Secretary General's High-Level Advisory Group for the “Global Study on the Implementation of UNSCR 1325.” Coming from a small developing country, I was truly humbled to share my experiences on this global platform.

Engaging Men and Boys

One key lesson I have learned while building a grassroots movement for Gender Equality and Women's Empowerment (GEWE) was that we do need to engage with men and boys for transformative change to occur. In 2010, I was mobilizing community women in Nepalgunj (a far western region of Nepal), and a woman stood up and told us that, “We know what domestic violence is, we know how to file a police report, I work with other women in my community. Yet, I am compelled to stay in my abusive marriage because I have nowhere else to go if I leave. Socially, there will be a strong stigma against me. If you want to bring real change, you need to change the mindset of the men in our house.” That was a wake-up call for me. Since then, I have initiated numerous partnerships and interventions to engage men and boys to critically address violence against women. One such partnership was with the All-Nepal Football Association (ANFA). Football is a popular sport in Nepal, and footballers are idolized by many boys and youth. Realizing that this would be a powerful medium to engage with men, boys, and the youth as chair of Saathi, I initiated and led a joint campaign entitled “Our Goal: Stop Violence Against Women.” This campaign has been very significant in changing the mindset of men and boys. As ANFA is a disciplined institution with outreach throughout the country, I have coined this partnership as “minimum investment–maximum mileage.” This initiative shows that we must communicate in the language and context that the change agents understand and to which they relate. We ran a series of sensitization workshops full of fun and games for the footballers, and we identified men in the ANFA teams who have challenged social norms by marrying widows, helping their wives with household chores, and washing clothes (although they wouldn't hang them out to dry in case other community members laughed at them). We opened up new narratives and dialogues and gave them T-shirts to wear during matches that read: “Respect women—be a real man.” Having football players lead the way enabled other men to stand up too. These conversations and campaigns significantly helped change attitudes toward women in Nepal. Building on this experience from 2019, my strategic intervention has been to engage with the youth and create creative platforms for intergenerational learning particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Building on our experience of engagement of men and boys in dealing with gender-based violence and tackling inequality at the grassroots level, Saathi, during my presidency, formed a consortium of district level organizations to implement a multi-year program, “Addressing Social-barriers That Hampers Advancement of Women” (ASTHA). The program advocated for gender responsive formal policy and informal practices across local government units. The engagement of men and community mobilization for violence prevention, addressing harmful traditional practices and increasing access to justice for survivors, was the main focus area of the program. Engaging local governments, building local ownership, and strengthening accountability was another feature of this program.

Local to global, global to local

Localizing UN instruments on gender equality, such as the International Conference on Population and Development Plan of Action, the Beijing Platform for Action, the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), UNSCR 1325, and the Sustainable Development Goals, have been extremely instrumental in all the advocacy work that I have led and initiated for policy and legislative changes nationally, regionally, and globally. These instruments help effective advocacy with government entities and other stakeholders to make them more accountable to the promotion of GEWE and in the localization of international treaties and conventions related to women's and girls’ rights. Taking and sharing local experiences in global platforms for influencing global policies and bringing back the global to the local has been an important part of my professional journey.

In 2016, I became the first Nepali to be elected as a CEDAW committee member, the same international instrument I used as a tool for mainstreaming gender across government plans and strengthening the GEWE movement nationally. Working in this international treaty body, I have had a chance to review the situation of gender and development and the persistent discrimination that women face in many countries around the world. I think the greatest strength that I bring to the committee has been my work directly with women facing violence and discrimination on the ground and the knowledge of what will actually make a difference in their lives. I have applied this experience and knowledge in the enrichment of numerous dialogues, statements, general recommendations, and jurisprudence of the CEDAW Committee.

Within the Committee, I am currently the focal person for WPS. I assess the reports of member states to ensure that women's human rights are fully respected and reflected during conflict and in the design of all national, regional, and global initiatives. Additionally, during my second tenure in the Committee, which began in 2021, I am also the chair of the Working Group of Inquiries that looks into the violation of human rights of women by member states.

On several instances in my review of numerous countries, I have found Nepal to be quite progressive compared to many Asian and African states and in some instances compared to developed countries as well, which makes me proud. Nevertheless, Nepal has a long way to go to scale several peaks of socio-economic hurdles before successfully summiting the mountain of inequality to ensure substantive equality, doing away with predominant patriarchal mindsets, and ensuring meaningful participation of women in all strata of public and private life.

Tradition, development, and gender equality: Addressing the incoherences through collective action

Three decades after her first visit to Luxembourg, prominent women's rights activist Bandana Rana returned to give a Kapuscinski Development Lecture at the university. She shared her experience fighting against inequalities in vulnerable societies, patriarchal values, and gender norms (European Commission, 2021). Ms. Rana comes from Nepal, a beautiful country, known for having the tallest mountain in the world, Mount Everest. Nepal is also known for patriarchal practices embedded in the structure of Nepalese society, including its cultural, religious, social, economic, and political institutions, which harm girls and women. Alluding to these characteristics of Nepal, the title of the article was “Scaling the summit for women's rights.”

Nepal is considered a “least developed country” among international organizations (Development Policy & Analysis Division et al., 2018). This status is based on indicators related to socio-economic, political, and environmental vulnerability, including structural gender inequalities. As Ms. Rana explained in her lecture, many women in Nepal lack education and awareness about their legal rights, which has traditionally contributed to the position of women as second-class members of society.

International organizations and the Nepalese government have attempted to address this situation through various instruments. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, and the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, particularly deal with the gender-based discrimination derived from harmful traditional practices, and gender norms (UN Women – Asia-Pacific, n.d.). Ms. Rana is the first activist from such a small state to be elected to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which is the United Nations’ body of independent experts that monitors implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The CEDAW Committee consists of 23 experts on women's rights from around the world (OHCHR, n.d.). Despite the emergence of these global frameworks, many women and girls remain marginalized and poorly treated. Even if Nepalese women would be more aware of their rights, numerous structural obstacles and challenges slow or even prevent their implementation. These structural challenges are not only relevant for Nepal. They exist in different forms in different places. Despite the establishment of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) Five: “Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls” in 2015, significant structural challenges remain for women throughout the world. A recent study by the McKinsey Global Institute (2020) has shown the lack of progress in gender equality since the passage of the SDGs. This research aggregated the 15 indicators into a Gender Parity Score, or GPS, ranging from zero (no gender equality) to one (full gender equality). In the past five years, progress has been marginal as the global GPS was 0.60 in 2015, and it is 0.61 today (McKinsey Global Institute, 2020).

In Nepal, Ms. Rana explained how traditional customs often undermine equality. One harmful traditional practice is the chhaupadi system, followed in the western part of the country. Chhaupadi includes the systematic mental and physical degradation of women, and it has a very long tradition in Nepalese culture. Women are subjects of the chhaupadi system from a very young age. For the duration of their menstrual cycle, they are not allowed to participate in any social or family activities. The traditions say that women are “impure and contagious” during their periods, which is why family members practice isolating women for 14 days in dark spaces outside the home denying them food. It is not rare that such cases result in death due to starvation, hypothermia, sexual assaults, and so forth (Kadariya & Aro, 2015; United Nations, 2011). Accordingly, such draconian treatment of women and girls derives its roots in tradition, patriarchal values, and gender norms. Any kind of interaction between women and men in this period is forbidden. The restrictions imposed on women and girls during their menstruation and the impact these have on their physical and mental well-being symbolize entrenched gender inequality, which exists throughout Nepal (Bobel et al., 2019).

In her Kapuscinski Lecture, Bandana Rana shared her personal experience growing up in Kathmandu, Nepal's capital. Although she was privileged to come from a higher social class and to have access to education, tradition nonetheless affected her as a woman. Ms. Rana shared her struggles growing up in a patriarchal society and the culture shock that she experienced when she left Nepal for the first time as she was overwhelmed by the choices and freedom she experienced upon arriving to Europe: “I was speechless when I was encouraged to share my opinion at the University, or to be critical towards something. This was not something I was used to, since every decision was predetermined for me, and I had no say in it. … I never got to choose.”

Equality affects perceptions of well-being and differs from country to country depending on context-specific factors. Those living in conflict areas often view well-being through the lens of peace. In development discussions, well-being is often understood in terms of living standards and levels of prosperity (Koff & Häbel, 2022). For Ms. Rana, well-being would be defined as women's right to choose their own life course.

The literature on policy coherence for gender equality addresses this point directly. Numerous authors (such as Bidegain Ponte & Rodríguez Enríquez, 2016; Gbowee, 2016) have contested the establishment of gender equality as a policy silo which is addressed with sector-specific strategies. Instead, this approach contends that transformative development implies promoting equitable systems in which enfranchisement is mainstreamed so that it permeates all policy sectors. According to Bidegain Ponte and Rodríguez Enríquez, “from a feminist point of view, the issue of sustainable development implies thinking about new forms of sustainable production, consumption, and distribution patterns. It requires redistribution of wealth, power, work, and time” (2016, p. 83).

These concepts—wealth, power, work, and time—are the defining themes of European Union gender equality strategies. After 12 years of compliance with the EU gender equality strategies, a small Candidate Country in the South-East of Europe—Montenegro lags behind most of the EU member states on gender equality, especially when it comes to the domain of power and money, followed by time and work (Komar, 2019). Candidate countries are seeking to comply with the EU policy framework and harmonize their laws and policies with the EU Acquis Communautaire. The European Union acts as a normative power (Manners, 2002), utilizing its role as a development aid donor to transfer gender equality strategies to national frameworks of candidate countries (Noutcheva, 2009), so even new member states rarely have an opportunity to participate in generating public policies. They are often expected to create the institutional environment necessary for transfer and implementation of EU policies into their own national context. Consequently, there is a common understanding that policy implementation failure or success depends strictly upon the recipient country and not on policy makers, that is, donors (FitzGerald et al., 2019). In short, there is little attention to the notion of policy ownership that undermines the effectiveness of EU norm diffusion (Koff et al., 2020).

Montenegro is recognized as a frontrunner in the EU integration process. Such status has been granted because of Montenegrin efforts to comply with EU policies, and the country's success in implementing most of the policies in the economic sector (Komar, 2019). This is usually achieved without applying gender equality strategies, bringing into question the sustainability of any particular policy, and the transformative potential of EU gender equality strategies which systematically lack efficiency. The outcomes are usually policies that are incoherent with gender equality because they are insufficiently aligned and mutually exclusive. Montenegro harmonizes its domestic and foreign policies with those of the European Union, so there is a need for the European Union to promote sector-specific policies that do not undermine gender equality, demonstrating its commitment to sustainable development domestically as well as toward candidate countries.

The European Union is not the only region that undermines its own gender equality strategies through economic policies. Häbel and colleagues (2022) examined Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) policies pertaining to women migrants. Their study showed how the numerous recent legal instruments passed by ASEAN with the aim of protecting female migrants have been undercut by economic policymaking. In fact, all mention of migration and women in the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 remains focused on the regional organization's Cultural Community. Neither migrants nor women are mentioned significantly in the Economic Community or Political-Security Community, which contributes to an economic system in which women, especially female migrants, remain vulnerable (Häbel et al., 2022).

Bandana Rana's Kapuscinski Lecture also highlighted existing contradictions between policy and gender equality. Despite the fact that Nepal ratified the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (ICRC, 2022), including the right to freedom of movement in 1991, the Nepalese government proposed a new law in 2021, which would deny women the right to travel abroad without the consent of their family. Ironically, the purpose of this new law is to protect women from potential abuses, such as human trafficking, but its content contradicts constitutional provisions and additionally legitimizes the formal marginalization of women in the country. Its paternalistic character violates Article 15 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which states that “ countries shall accord to men and women the same rights with regard to the law relating to the movement of persons and the freedom to choose their residence and domicile.” (United Nations Women, 2009; see also Human Rights Watch, 2021).

Ms. Rana noted that one finds power in collective action in order to promote long-lasting change. The oppression of one woman in one city is the concern of every woman in the international community. Also, empowerment depends on coordination between global and local actions on behalf of women. These principles are the foundation of the transformative development promoted by the SDGs. The empowerment of women cannot be achieved simply through the targets and objectives of SDG Five, but it must be supported in all of the goals. SDG 17, focusing on “Partnerships for Achievement of Sustainable Development” includes Target 17.4, which focuses on policy coherence for sustainable development (PCSD). PCSD establishes “whole of government” approaches to sustainability. This strategy needs to be implemented in relation to gender equality in order to foster well-being defined as the ability of women to control their life's course. Policy coherence for gender equality should not only be an academic paradigm. It needs to become a policy tool for transformative change.

References

Mujeres indígenas, desarrollo y derecho a una vida libre de violencia

Este texto aborda la paradójica situación de las mujeres indígenas en México, ya que este grupo poblacional es un actor clave en la preservación y reproducción de la cultura material y simbólica de los pueblos originarios, pero también se encuentra en condiciones de mayor pobreza y marginación, además de vulneración de sus derechos humanos. Existen problemáticas comunes a la diversidad de las mujeres indígenas, como el rezago educativo, la violencia de género sistemática, la pobreza y su dependencia económica, así como la ausencia de servicios de salud de calidad en sus entornos. Las mujeres indígenas en México, constituyen un sector históricamente invisibilizado en muchas de las políticas estatales al incluirlas en las categorías “campesino” o “población rural.” Y muy pocas de estas políticas públicas o iniciativas del Estado mexicano han sido creadas para favorecer la solución de dichas problemáticas.

Centramos nuestro análisis en la entidad con el mayor número de habitantes hablantes de una lengua indígena (HLI) en México: Chiapas, en la cual habitan 1,387,295 personas HLI mayores de 5 años (INEGI, 2021); así como en los programas gubernamentales y la literatura producida en torno al desarrollo social y al combate a la violencia de género contra las mujeres en dicho estado. Chiapas representa el 4.4 por ciento de la población nacional, con un total de 5,543 828 habitantes. Según el censo de 2020, esta población HLI representa a nivel nacional un 26.3 por ciento,1 del cual un 27.21 por ciento es monolingüe. Las lenguas indígenas más habladas son tseltal con un 38.5 por ciento y tsotsil con un 36.5 por ciento. En su composición por género hay una relación de 95 hombres por cada 100 mujeres y específicamente la población femenina HLI mayor de tres años representa el 13.4 por ciento, siendo un total de 745,048 mujeres. Chiapas tiene un alto índice de marginación,2 de 11.99 y ocupa el segundo lugar a nivel nacional (CONAPO, 2021).

Mujeres indígenas y desarrollo

La preocupación por mejorar las condiciones de vida de las mujeres en las políticas de desarrollo se remonta a 1950. Sin embargo, es a partir del trabajo de Esther Boserup en los años setenta, cuando se empezaron a considerar las desigualdades entre hombres y mujeres. Boserup sostuvo que las mujeres no se beneficiaban de los proyectos desarrollistas sino al contrario: su situación se deterioraba en diversos casos (Boserup, 1970). Una de las consecuencias de la visibilización de esta situación fue que se empezó a considerar a las mujeres como pieza clave en las políticas de desarrollo. Desde entonces, las agencias financiadoras solicitan que se diseñen políticas públicas que las tomen en cuenta, pero con resultados desalentadores que no han logrado disminuir la desigualdad imperante (Kauffer, 2016).

Existen fuertes críticas a la visión instrumental de su condición social, que refuerza los roles de género y la desigualdad, incrementando la doble o triple jornada de las mujeres o su instrumentalización para atraer fondos sin que necesariamente tomen decisiones en los proyectos. Por otro lado, se ha documentado la dificultad en la operación de los proyectos debido a que se requieren estrategias de liderazgo compartido para evitar situaciones históricamente reproducidas ligadas al cacicazgo.

Caroline Moser (1993) presenta dos enfoques para entender la inclusión de las mujeres en las políticas de desarrollo: “Mujeres y Desarrollo” (MED), y “Género y Desarrollo” (GED). El primero busca la incorporación de las mujeres al mercado laboral beneficiándose del desarrollo, es decir, que puedan cubrir sus necesidades prácticas para la supervivencia. El segundo busca trabajar con el empoderamiento de las mujeres, o con las necesidades estratégicas que inciden en las relaciones de poder (Kauffer, 2016, p. 30; Moser, 1993, pp. 75–79).

En el caso específico de México muchos programas de desarrollo siguen manteniéndose en el enfoque MED, por lo que no impactan estratégicamente en mejorar las condiciones de vida de las mujeres. Tal es el caso del programa “Sembrando vida,” cuyo objetivo central es atender dos de las problemáticas más significativas que existen en el campo: la pobreza rural y la degradación ambiental. En este programa no es clara la integración de las perspectivas intercultural y de género, ni si tienen objetivos y acciones de incidencia orientadas a transformar las condiciones de desventaja de las mujeres indígenas, que impiden que gocen del ejercicio efectivo de sus derechos humanos.

Al investigar estos aspectos, encontramos que en las reglas de operación de “Sembrando Vida” se busca impulsar la participación de las mujeres “con el propósito de contribuir a cerrar las brechas de desigualdad por género y etnia en el acceso a los recursos” (Diario Oficial de la Federación, 2021, p. 185). Sin embargo, no integra acciones transformadoras de las condiciones y contextos de desigualdad entre hombres y mujeres de los que se parte en el desarrollo del programa, que tiene como requisito que las mujeres sean propietarias de la tierra para acceder a los recursos otorgados por dicho programa. En México, únicamente el “25.9 por ciento de las personas que poseen un certificado parcelario que las acredita como ejidatarias o comuneras son mujeres” (INMUJERES, 2020). Como ha documentado Mercedes Olivera, basándose en sus estudios en Chiapas, las mujeres han sido excluidas de manera histórica de la propiedad de la tierra. En la tenencia patrimonial prevalece una dinámica patriarcal de exclusión de las mujeres, aun cuando ellas también trabajan en el cultivo de las parcelas. Además, cuando los maridos migran a otras geografías buscando integrarse al mercado laboral, las mujeres que quedan a cargo de la tierra suelen ser despojadas de éstas por sus propias familias o por las autoridades comunitarias (Olivera Bustamante 2019, p. 270).

Considerando lo anterior, según información de INMUJERES, el programa abre la posibilidad de que mujeres que rentan la tierra accedan a los recursos sin que necesariamente sean sus propietarias o sean reconocidas como ejidatarias. Así, el 31 por ciento de las personas beneficiarias de “Sembrando vida” son mujeres, algunas de ellas, gracias a la figura de aparcería o renta de tierra. Pero, en estos casos, se reduce el beneficio para ellas, pues la persona propietaria de la tierra, generalmente un hombre, obtiene el 50 por ciento de las ganancias. Por tanto, resulta evidente cómo se replica la lógica del enfoque MED, donde la finalidad es que las mujeres resuelvan sus necesidades prácticas de supervivencia, pero no sus necesidades estratégicas, pues al poner su mano de obra, es el dueño de la tierra quien también se beneficia del trabajo de las mujeres. Este fenómeno se agudiza pues los hombres son los negociadores de la venta de las cosechas; aunque las mujeres, junto con otros miembros de la familia, aportan su fuerza de trabajo (Olivera Bustamante, 2019).

Las mujeres indígenas son cuidadoras y transmisoras de saberes ancestrales, pero su labor en estos ámbitos, sin considerar su trabajo productivo y activo en la reproducción económica de sus familias y comunidades, favorecen su condición de desigualdad y de riesgo frente a fenómenos como la subordinación y las violencias de género.

Derecho de las mujeres a una vida libre de violencias

La Convención para la Eliminación de Todas las Formas de Discriminación contra la Mujer-el instrumento internacional vinculante más amplio sobre los derechos humanos de las mujeres y niñas-reconoce en la violencia contra la mujer basada en el género una forma de discriminación que impide la igualdad sustantiva entre mujeres y hombres. La probabilidad de ser víctima de violencia de género aumenta —y su ejercicio se intensifica— cuando se intersectan distintas estructuras de opresión con la de género, como la clase social y los procesos de racialización y etnización. En Chiapas, las mujeres indígenas experimentan con mayor crudeza la violencia estructural, originada por la injusticia social y la desigualdad de género, lo cual favorece que también sean víctimas de violencias directas.

Así, la cuestión de la diferencia cultural en el contexto chiapaneco es fundamental y no está suficientemente considerada en las políticas de prevención de la violencia de género ni en la impartición de justicia. Si bien se cuenta con protocolos de investigación ministerial, pericial y policial con perspectiva de género para la violencia sexual y el feminicidio, éstos no tienen perspectiva intercultural, como tampoco la gran mayoría de los funcionarios que participan en los procesos judiciales.

Al igual que en las políticas nacionales y en los programas internacionales con miras al desarrollo social de las mujeres indígenas, las iniciativas gubernamentales e internacionales que buscan la atención a la problemática de la violencia de género contra mujeres y niñas adolecen de una perspectiva que considere la participación de este sector, no como meras receptoras de beneficios puntuales, sino como actoras clave en la propuesta, diseño, ejecución y evaluación de las mismas. Esto implicaría, dada la diversidad de grupos, tradiciones y contextos indígenas, la planeación de políticas diferenciadas que integrasen las cosmovisiones, formas de organización y dinámicas comunitarias a las acciones para prevenir, combatir y reparar las violencias de distinto orden y tipo que sufren las mujeres tsotsiles, tseltales, choles, tojolabales y zoques que habitan en territorio chiapaneco. También tendrían que considerarse las transformaciones que han sufrido dichos contextos en función de las dinámicas internacionales y cómo éstas han afectado las relaciones de género.

Jane Collier (2009) explica que para el caso de los tsotsiles, a partir de la monetarización de la economía indígena y campesina en Chiapas en los noventa, las relaciones de género han pasado de estar marcadas por la complementariedad a estarlo por la desigualdad, pues de una economía donde “el hogar era la base de la riqueza, el poder y el prestigio de los hombres” (Collier, 2009, p. 91), y por tanto el valor del trabajo de las mujeres como administradoras del hogar, el cuidado de los hijos y el cultivo de las relaciones sociales era reconocido, se pasó a una economía capitalista donde las mujeres y los hijos representan cargas económicas y, por ello, su valoración se ha transformado, de modo que la violencia de los hombres se presenta sin las mediaciones comunitarias tradicionales para contenerla, se da con mayor frecuencia y con consecuencias más severas.

Justamente la ausencia o presencia marginal de las mujeres indígenas en la planeación y ejecución de estas acciones a favor de su derecho a una vida libre de violencia ha representado una de las mayores problemáticas, incluso dentro del propio movimiento feminista en Chiapas. Al respecto, Hernández señala que distintos grupos de mujeres indígenas organizadas han señalado “la necesidad de construir un feminismo multicultural que reconozca las distintas maneras en que las mujeres mexicanas imaginan sus identidades de género y conciben sus estrategias de lucha” (2001, p. 207), pues experimentan una condición liminar en la defensa de las autonomías de sus pueblos, pero también en la crítica a sus componentes culturales sexistas, misma que se aleja de posturas del etnocentrismo feminista hegemónico.

La agenda del movimiento feminista nacional ha centrado sus demandas en el reconocimiento a la libertad en el ejercicio efectivo de sus derechos reproductivos, a una vida libre de violencia y a tener identidades de género no heterosexuales. Si bien el movimiento de mujeres indígenas comparte algunas de estas demandas, suman demandas económicas y culturales, que se derivan de las experiencias de racismo y explotación histórica de los pueblos indígenas.

Paralelamente a su diálogo con el feminismo, las mujeres indígenas han mantenido una interlocución permanente con el movimiento indígena nacional, del que son parte a través de su participación en el Congreso Nacional Indígena (CNI), fundado en 1996 como un espacio de reflexión y solidaridad de los pueblos originarios para fortalecer sus luchas, con sus propias formas de organización, de representación y toma de decisiones. En el CNI han confrontado las visiones idílicas sobre la cultura indígena que permean el discurso político de muchos de sus integrantes, líderes indígenas y asesores (Hernández, 2001). De hecho, conformaron la Coordinadora Nacional de Mujeres Indígenas que derivó en el Encuentro Nacional de Mujeres Indígenas en 1997. Esto les permitió organizarse, incluir sus demandas de género y visibilizar el rechazo a los usos y costumbres que atentan contra su dignidad. Por lo cual, las mujeres zapatistas propusieron la “Ley revolucionaria de las mujeres”, aunque el Estado mexicano no consideró estas demandas (Hernández 2001).

Si bien el camino parece estar sembrado de obstáculos y contratiempos, las mujeres indígenas organizadas en movimientos en Chiapas y a lo largo de la nación continúan construyendo alianzas y proyectos para hacer realidad sus reivindicaciones de género, el reconocimiento de sus derechos, la dignificación de sus condiciones materiales de vida y su participación en la construcción y transformación de sus propias culturas, lo cual implica cambiar aquellas tradiciones que las oprimen o excluyen al tiempo que demandan la autonomía de sus pueblos.

Notas

1

Estimado con la base de datos con los principales resultados por localidad (INEGI, 2021).

2

Es un índice que incorpora diferentes porcentajes de marginación como son la población analfabeta, ocupantes de viviendas particulares sin drenaje y excusado, sin energía eléctrica, sin agua entubada, con piso de tierra, con hacinamiento, con ingresos menores a 2 salarios y ubicados en localidades de menos de 5000 habitantes (Consejo Nacional de Población, 2021) disponible en: https://www.gob.mx/conapo/documentos/indices-de-marginacion-2020-284372.

Referencias

Contributor Notes

BANDANA RANA has worked to promote women's rights and gender equality at the grassroots, national, regional, and global levels over the past three decades. She is one of the founders and former executive chair of Saathi, a pioneering Nepalese NGO dedicated to ending violence against women and girls. She continues to provide strategic guidance to Saathi's overall programs and interventions. She worked as an editor/anchor for Nepal Television for 20 years and was the key founder of Sancharika Samuha (Forum of Women in Media) in 1996. From 2010–2011, Ms. Rana served as the principal consultant for Nepal's Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction in designing the UNSCR 1325 and 1820 National Action Plan, and continues to be engaged in its localization, implementation, and monitoring. She is the Chair of board of directors of the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP) She was a member of the UN Secretary General's High-Level Advisory Group for the Global Study on the Implementation of UNSCR 1325 as well as a coordinating member of the Asia Pacific Women's Alliance for Peace and Security. She served on the UN Women Global Civil Society Advisory Group from 2012-2015 as well as the UN ESCAP Advisory Group for Women Peace and Security. She is currently a member of the UNFPA High Level Commission on ICPD25 follow up. She was elected to the UN CEDAW Committee in 2016 and is now serving her second term.

TARA LIPOVINA is a PhD candidate in social sciences at the University of Luxembourg. Her research focuses on gender coherence for development: impact of EU integration on gender equality in candidate countries. Her dissertation focuses on Montenegro as a case study. She has an MA in European governance from the University of Luxembourg. In her previous research, she dealt with small states, vulnerability, and policy coherence for sustainable development. In addition to her studies, Ms. Lipovina is working as a project manager in the Luxembourgish development organization – AEIN, managing gender equality projects in vulnerable regions.

MÓNICA CARRASCO GÓMEZ Investigadora de Cátedras CONACYT–CIESAS Sureste. Investigación en curso “Mecanismos estructurales para la reproducción de la opresión, la desigualdad y las violencias contra las mujeres en Chiapas y la articulación de las respuestas sociales organizadas.” En 2022 fue responsable técnica del proyecto “Enfrentar la violencia feminicida en Chiapas en tiempos de COVID-19: construcción de redes de apoyo, autonomía económica, bienestar emocional y justicia transformadora” (financiamiento de la Embajada de Australia) y en 2021 de la investigación “Ser mujer en Chiapas en tiempos de COVID-19: autocuidado, género y violencias” (Financiamiento CONACYT). Miembro del Sistema Nacional de Investigadores Nivel I y doctora en ciencias. Autora de artículos sobre respuesta social organizada a necesidades de salud, alcoholización, rendición de cuentas de las políticas de salud materna y VIH en contextos indígenas, interculturalidad en salud, alternativas comunitarias ante la violencia de género. Ha colaborado en peritajes antropológicos en casos de violaciones a derechos humanos en contextos indígenas de Chiapas. Correo electrónico: monica.carrasco@ciesas.edu.mx

PERLA O. FRAGOSO LUGO Investigadora de Cátedras CONACYT–CIESAS-Peninsular. Desarrolla la investigación “La salud individual y colectiva en los procesos de reparación y justicia en casos de violencia feminicida y feminicidio en Yucatán y Chiapas.” En 2021 fue responsable técnica de la investigación “Procesos de reparación y desagravio en casos de feminicidio en Yucatán, Quintana Roo y Chiapas: más allá de la justicia punitiva y hacia una justicia reivindicativa y transformadora” (financiamiento de CONACYT). Su libro A puro golpe. Violencias y malestares sociales en la juventud cancunense (2016) fue merecedor del Premio INAH Fray Bernardino de Sahagún correspondiente al área de Etnología y Antropología Social, categoría Mejor Investigación. Miembro del Sistema Nacional de Investigadores Nivel I y doctora en Antropología Social. Ha participado como perita antropóloga en casos de feminicidio y violaciones a derechos humanos en contextos indígenas en Chiapas. Correo electrónico: perlafragoso@ciesas.edu.mx

  • Collapse
  • Expand

Regions and Cohesion

Regiones y Cohesión / Régions et Cohésion

Metrics

All Time Past Year Past 30 Days
Abstract Views 0 0 0
Full Text Views 1343 595 156
PDF Downloads 886 372 35